{{Short description|Right-wing and nationalist political party in Poland}} {{Other uses|Law and Justice (disambiguation)}} {{Redirect|PiS|3=PIS (disambiguation)}} {{Multiple issues|{{update|date=February 2024}} {{Expand Polish|topic=gov| |date=October 2023| fa = yes }} }} {{Use dmy dates|date=July 2020}} {{EngvarB|date=February 2021}} {{Infobox political party | name = Law and Justice | native_name = Prawo i Sprawiedliwość | logo = Logo of the Law and Justice.svg | logo_upright = 0.6 | colorcode = {{Political party data|color}} | abbreviation = PiS | predecessor = [[Centre Agreement]]{{cite journal |last1=Krzyżanowski |first1=Michał |first2=Natalia |last2=Krzyżanowska |year=2026 |title=‘We Put Family at the Centre of Social Life’: Conceptual Flipsiding of the ‘Family’ in Discursive-Political Strategies of the Polish Populist Far-Right |journal=Social Semiotics |volume=36 |issue=1 |doi=10.1080/10350330.2025.2601614 |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10350330.2025.2601614 |publisher=[[Taylor & Francis]] |page=102 |quote=Law and Justice, or Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (abbreviated as PiS) – originates in the country’s post-transformation period of the early 1990s when, shortly after the fall of the Communism in Poland, the Centre Alliance (Porozumienie Centrum, PC, the direct antecedent of the eventual PiS formed in 2000s) was formed under the leadership of Jarosław Kaczyński.|doi-access=free }} | split = [[Solidarity Electoral Action]] | chairman = [[Jarosław Kaczyński]] | founders = [[Lech Kaczyński]]{{Cite web |url=https://e-sochaczew.pl/pis-sochaczew/strona-860#:~:text=Pierwszym%20Prezesem%20PiS%20w%202001%20r.%20zosta%C5%82%20Lech,PiS%20i%20Przewodnicz%C4%85cym%20Zarz%C4%85du%20G%C5%82%C3%B3wnego%20by%C5%82%20Jaros%C5%82aw%20Kaczy%C5%84ski. |language=pl |title=Historia PiS |website=e-sochaczew.pl |access-date=11 November 2023}}
Jarosław Kaczyński | foundation = {{Start date and age|df=yes|2001|6|13}} | headquarters = {{ill|Nowogrodzka Street, Warsaw|pl|Ulica Nowogrodzka w Warszawie|lt=ul. Nowogrodzka}} 84/86, 02-018 Warsaw | ideology = {{ublist | [[National conservatism]] | [[Paternalistic conservatism]] | [[Right-wing populism]] }} | position = [[Right-wing politics|Right-wing]]{{cref|A}} | youth_wing = {{nowrap|[[Law and Justice Youth Forum]]}} | religion = [[Catholic Church in Poland|Roman Catholicism]]{{cite journal |title=‘Refugees Not Welcome Here’: State, Church and Civil Society Responses to the Refugee Crisis in Poland |first=Kasia |last=Narkowicz |date=22 May 2018 |journal=International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society |doi=10.1007/s10767-018-9287-9 |volume=31 |publisher=[[Springer Nature]] |location=[[York]] |url=https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10767-018-9287-9 |page=366 |quote= A liberal party, Razem [Together], spoke about the responsibility to accept refugees and was as such more in line with Catholic teachings than the PiS party that identifies as a Catholic party.}} | membership = {{steady}} 48,000 (2025 {{estimation}}){{cite web |url=https://krytykapolityczna.pl/kraj/wojcik-kiedy-wahadlo-wychyli-sie-w-lewa-strone/ |language=pl |website=[[Krytyka Polityczna]] |title=Wójcik: Wahadło jeszcze wychyli się w lewą stronę |first=Piotr |last=Wójcik |date=4 June 2025 |quote=6 tysięcy członków to wcale nie mało jak na polskie warunki. Przypomnijmy, że Platforma Obywatelska ma 25 tys. członków, a PiS 48 tys. Konfederacja ma zaledwie 11,5 tys. członków. Jeśli dodamy do 6 tys. Razemitów 25 tys. członków Nowej Lewicy, to mamy trzecią największą partię w Polsce – po PiS i PSL (73 tys.). |trans-quote=6,000 members is not a small number by Polish standards. Let us recall that the Civic Platform has 25,000 members, and PiS has 48,000. The Confederation has only 11,500 members. If we add the 25,000 members of the New Left to the 6,000 Razem members, we have the third largest party in Poland – after PiS and PSL (73,000).}} | national = [[United Right (Poland)|United Right]] | european = [[Alliance for Europe of the Nations|AEN]] (until 2009)
[[European Conservatives and Reformists Party|ECR Party]] (since 2009) | europarl = [[Union for Europe of the Nations|UEN]] (2004–2009)
[[European Conservatives and Reformists Group|ECR Group]] (since 2009) | colours = {{Color box|{{Political party data|color}}|border=darkgray}} Blue {{Color box|#ffffff|border=darkgray}} White {{Color box|#DC241f|border=darkgray}} Red{{Cite journal |first=Marcin |last=Fijołek |title=Republikańska symbolika w logotypie partii politycznej Prawo i Sprawiedliwość |journal=Ekonomia I Nauki Humanistyczne |issue=19 |year=2012 |pages=9–17 |doi=10.7862/rz.2012.einh.23 |url=http://doi.prz.edu.pl/pl/pdf/einh/14|doi-access=free }}
{{color box|{{party color|Law and Justice (2001-2005)}}}} Cyan{{efn|Between 2001 and 2005}} | anthem = | seats1_title = [[Sejm]] | seats1 = {{Composition bar|140|460|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | seats2_title = [[Senate of Poland|Senate]] | seats2 = {{Composition bar|31|100|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | seats3_title = [[European Parliament]] | seats3 = {{Political party data|seat composition bar|EP}} | seats4_title = [[Voivodeship sejmik|Regional assemblies]] | seats4 = {{Composition bar|226|552|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | seats5_title = Voivodes | seats5 = {{Composition bar|0|16|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | seats6_title = Voivodeship Marshals | seats6 = {{Composition bar|3|16|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | seats7_title = City Presidents | seats7 = {{Composition bar|4|107|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | country = Poland | website = {{Political party data|website}} | footnotes = {{cnote|A|The party is considered [[economic left-wing]],{{refn|{{cite thesis|url=https://refubium.fu-berlin.de/bitstream/handle/fub188/42442/Prushankin_Dissertation.pdf?sequence=3&isAllowed=y |title=How To Break A State: How Populists Challenge Liberalism In Post-Communist Central Europe |degree=Doctor of Philosophy |publisher=[[Freie Universität Berlin]] |first=Keith C. |last=Prushankin |location=Berlin |year=2023 |page=107 |quote=Because PiS takes an active approach toward correcting and opposing neoliberalism and the problems of the economic transition, much of the literature calls PiS an economically left party.}}}} or left-leaning economically.{{refn|{{cite thesis |url=https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/ws/portalfiles/portal/232192500/2023_Kopshteyn_Georgy_19041708_ethesis.pdf |title=An Enquiry Concerning the Ideational Relationship Between Liberal Democracy and Populism in the European Union |last=Kopshteyn |first=Georgy |year=2023 |degree=Doctor of Philosophy |publisher=King’s College London |page=227 |quote=Overall, PiS’ economic policies have been rather left-leaning and were characterised by increased market regulation, economic state intervention, the redistribution of wealth, and the expansion of the welfare state (for the categorisation of PiS as an economically left-leaning populist party, see Inglehart and Norris 2016: 44; see also Jasiecki 2019: 134).}}{{cite journal |author1=Jan Rovny |author2=Jonathan Polk |author3=Ryan Bakker |author4=Liesbet Hooghe |author5=Seth Jolly |author6=Gary Marks |author7=Marco Steenbergen |author8=Milada Anna Vachudova |title=The 2024 Chapel Hill Expert Survey on political party positioning in Europe: Twenty-five years of party positional data |journal=Electoral Studies |volume=97 |year=2025 |issn=0261-3794 |doi=10.1016/j.electstud.2025.102981 |url=https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379425000873 |page=2 |article-number=102981 |quote=By 2019 we see the formation of two kinds of eastern right parties: the electorally more significant remain economically left-leaning, such as Hungarian Fidesz or Polish PiS, and a newer group combines extreme cultural conservatism with economic liberalism, which includes e.g. Konfederacja, the political formation of Janusz Korwin Mikke in Poland, and Resni.ca in Slovenia.|doi-access=free }}}}.}} }} [[File:Law_and_Justice_2001-05_logo.png|thumb|upright=0.75|right|Old logo of the party, used between 2001 and 2005{{cite web |url=https://pl.wikinews.org/wiki/2006-01-27:_Sonda%C5%BC_OBOP-u:_PO_na_czele,_LPR_i_PSL_poza_Sejmem |title=2006-01-27: Sondaż OBOP-u: PO na czele, LPR i PSL poza Sejmem |language=pl |date=27 January 2006 |website=e-Polityka.pl}}{{cite web |url=https://archiwum.rp.pl/artykul/1252639-Partyjny-znaczek-do-liftingu.html |language=pl |title=Partyjny znaczek do liftingu |date=30 August 2014 |first=Wiktor |last=Ferfecki |website=[[Rzeczpospolita (newspaper)|Rzeczpospolita]] |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180807223300/https://archiwum.rp.pl/artykul/1252639-Partyjny-znaczek-do-liftingu.html |archive-date=7 August 2018}}]] '''Law and Justice'''{{efn|Sometimes also called '''Right and Justice''' in English{{cite journal |url=https://czasopisma.marszalek.com.pl/images/pliki/ppk/70/ppk7032.pdf |title=The Government and Politics of Poland in the Light of the Constitutional Perspective since 1989 |first=Mukesh Shankar |last=Bharti |journal=Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego |issn=2082-1212 |doi=10.15804/ppk.2022.06.32 |issue=6 |volume=70 |year=2022 |page=446 |quote="The 2007 Polish parliamentary election is the best way to understand as a plebiscite over the government led by the polarizing Right and Justice Party and its controversial “Fourth Republic” political project."}}{{cite journal |url=https://china-cee.eu/wp-content/uploads/2024/12/2024er10_Poland.pdf |title=Poland external relations briefing: Poland and Europe change migration strategy |first=Konrad |last=Rajca |issn=2939-5933 |volume=77 |issue=4 |year=2024 |journal=Weekly Briefing |publisher=China-CEE Institute |page=3 |quote="The regulation of this issue is related to the practice of illegal issuance of visas during the previous Right and Justice (PiS) government, referred to as the “visa scandal.”"}}{{cite journal |first=Ewa |last=Bogalska-Martin |title=Implementing a "non-discrimination" policy in a country "without foreigners": the case of Poland |year=2019 |journal=Management & Gouvernance: Entreprises. Territoires. Sociétés |page=8 |quote="The conservative and nationalist parties founded in the context of the integration of Poland into the EU in the 2000s (such as the League of Polish Families and the Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland party, and the formation of the Right and Justice - PiS in 2001) gradually seized and modified this model." |url=https://hal.science/hal-02057535}}}} ({{langx|pl|Prawo i Sprawiedliwość}},{{efn|{{IPA|pl|ˈpravɔ i ˌspravjɛˈdlivɔɕt͡ɕ||Pl-Prawo i Sprawiedliwość.ogg}}}} '''PiS'''){{efn|{{IPA|pl|ˈpis}} {{respell|PEACE|}}}} is a [[right-wing populist]] and [[national-conservative]] political party in Poland. The party is a member of [[European Conservatives and Reformists Group]]. Its chairman is [[Jarosław Kaczyński]], since 18 January 2003. PiS was founded in 2001 by Jarosław and [[Lech Kaczyński]] as a direct successor of the [[Centre Agreement]] after it split from the [[Solidarity Electoral Action]] (AWS). Despite a poor showing in the [[2001 Polish parliamentary election|2001 parliamentary election]], where it came 4th, PiS won the [[2005 Polish presidential election|2005 presidential]] and [[2005 Polish parliamentary election|parliamentary elections]] and formed the [[Cabinet of Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz|Marcinkiewicz]] and [[Cabinet of Jarosław Kaczyński|Kaczyński governments]]. The governments included coalition ministers from the [[League of Polish Families]] and [[Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland|Self-Defence]] before collapsing in 2007. The rival [[Civic Platform]] (PO) emerged victorious in the [[2007 Polish parliamentary election|2007 snap election]] and formed a coalition with the [[Polish People's Party]], which served two terms, retaining a majority in the [[2011 Polish parliamentary election|2011 parliamentary election]]. PiS lost the presidency following the death of president Lech Kaczyński and administration officials in the [[Smolensk air disaster]] — acting president [[Bronisław Komorowski]] of PO was elected to the presidency in [[2010 Polish presidential election|2010]], winning against Jarosław Kaczyński in the second round. Law and Justice concluded its period in opposition when it won an upset victory in the [[2015 Polish presidential election|2015 presidential election]] and an outright majority of seats in the [[2015 Polish parliamentary election|2015 parliamentary election]], retaining its majority in [[2019 Polish parliamentary election|2019]] and the presidency in [[2020 Polish presidential election|2020]]. It governed for eight years, forming the [[Cabinet of Beata Szydło|Szydło]] and Morawiecki{{efn|[[First cabinet of Mateusz Morawiecki]], [[Second cabinet of Mateusz Morawiecki]], [[Third Cabinet of Mateusz Morawiecki]]}} cabinets, until losing its parliamentary majority in [[2023 Polish parliamentary election|2023]] and returning to opposition despite winning the highest number of seats. The party's candidate, [[Karol Nawrocki]], scored another upset victory in the [[2025 Polish presidential election]]. Law and Justice remained the largest party in the [[Sejm]] until 2026, when former Prime Minister [[Mateusz Morawiecki]] and his followers broke away to form the [[Development Plus]] party. During its foundation, it sought to position itself as a [[centrist]] and [[Christian-democratic]] party, although shortly after, it adopted more [[Cultural conservatism|culturally]] and [[socially conservative]] views and began their shift to the [[Right-wing politics|right]]. Under Kaczyński's national-conservative and [[Law and order (politics)|law-and-order]] agenda, PiS embraced [[economic interventionism]].{{refn|{{Cite news |date=21 July 2019 |title=Premier o PiS. "Myśl socjalistyczna również jest dla nas ważna" |language=pl |work=[[Wirtualna Polska]] |url=https://wiadomosci.wp.pl/premier-o-pis-mysl-socjalistyczna-rowniez-jest-dla-nas-wazna-6404992628864641a |access-date=6 June 2023}}{{Cite web |last=Turczyn |first=Andrzej |date=22 July 2019 |title=Mateusz Morawiecki: robotnicza myśl socjalistyczna jest głęboko obecna w filozofii Prawa i Sprawiedliwości |url=https://trybun.org.pl/2019/07/22/mateusz-morawiecki-robotnicza-mysl-socjalistyczna-jest-gleboko-obecna-w-filozofii-prawa-i-sprawiedliwosci/ |access-date=24 June 2023 |website=Trybun Broni Palnej |language=Polish}}{{Cite web |last=Szeląg |first=Wojciech |date=24 May 2021 |title=Marek Goliszewski, prezes BCC: Polski Ład wystraszył nawet tych, którzy wspierają PiS |url=https://biznes.interia.pl/raport-rozmowy-interii/news-marek-goliszewski-prezes-bcc-polski-lad-wystraszyl-nawet-tyc,nId,5252103 |access-date=24 June 2023 |website=[[Interia]] |language=pl}}{{Cite web |last=Kołakowska |first=Agnieszka |date=9 October 2019 |title=In defense of Poland's ruling party |url=https://www.politico.eu/article/in-defense-of-poland-ruling-party-law-and-justice-pis/ |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191009123343/https://www.politico.eu/article/in-defense-of-poland-ruling-party-law-and-justice-pis/ |archive-date=9 October 2019 |access-date=24 June 2023 |website=[[Politico]]}}{{Cite web |last=Orenstein |first=Mitchell |date=4 July 2018 |title=Populism with socialist characteristics |url=https://jordantimes.com/opinion/mitchell-aorenstein/populism-socialist-characteristics |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180704233456/https://jordantimes.com/opinion/mitchell-aorenstein/populism-socialist-characteristics |archive-date=4 July 2018 |access-date=24 June 2023 |website=[[The Jordan Times]]}}}} During the 2010s, it also adopted right-wing populist positions. After regaining power in [[2015 Polish parliamentary election|2015]], PiS gained popularity with more populist and social policies.{{cite news|last1=Santora|first1=Marc|date=14 October 2019|title=In Poland, Nationalism With a Progressive Touch Wins Voters (Published 2019)|work=The New York Times|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/10/world/europe/poland-election-law-and-justice-party.html|access-date=20 October 2020}} It has also pursued close relations with the [[Catholic Church]].{{cite web |url=https://klubjagiellonski.pl/2023/10/07/pis-zaprzecza-wlasnym-wartosciom/ |language=pl |website=Klub Jagielloński |title=PiS zaprzecza własnym wartościom |quote=Tożsamość katolicka nadal jest ważną częścią ideowego credo PiS. Beata Mazurek, była rzecznik PiS, stwierdziła w 2019 r., że jej ugrupowanie jest 'partią katolicką'. Jarosław Kaczyński zaś kilkukrotnie powtarzał, że w Polsce może istnieć albo katolicyzm, albo nihilizm. |trans-quote=Catholic identity remains an important part of PiS's ideological credo. Beata Mazurek, the party's former spokesperson, stated in 2019 that her political grouping is "a Catholic party." Jarosław Kaczyński, meanwhile, has repeatedly asserted that in Poland there can be either Catholicism or nihilism.}} The party is also described as "left-paternalistic",{{Cite journal |last=Putintsev |first=Igor S. |date=2023 |title=The two-party tendency in Poland's political system: manifestations, causes and prospects |url=https://balticregion.kantiana.ru/en/jour/5311/40560/ |journal=Baltic Region |language=en |volume=15 |issue=1 |pages=18–33 |doi=10.5922/2079-8555-2023-1-2 |issn=2310-0524 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240909122609/https://balticregion.kantiana.ru/en/jour/5311/40560/ |archive-date=9 September 2024 |quote=Each party had something to offer them: PiS promoted leftist paternalistic views of the economy and social problems, while PO attracted people of secular thinking who opposed the intensification of clerical trends — a burning issue in Poland. |doi-access=free |access-date=24 March 2025 |url-status=live }}{{Cite book |last1=Havlík |first1=Vratislav |title=Illiberal Trends and Anti-Eu Politics in East Central Europe |last2=Hloušek |first2=Vít |publisher=[[Palgrave Macmillan]] |year=2021 |isbn=9783030546731 |page=127 |language=en |chapter=Varying Degrees of Illiberalism: Comparison and Discussion |quote=In the case of Law and Justice, the notion of 'illiberalism' itself does not appear; but the very detailed doctrine of the party overall provides a set of characteristics of illiberal ideology that can be more easily grasped than in Hungary: a mistrust of the separation of powers, a mistrust of pluralism (of social and cultural pluralism perhaps even more than of political pluralism), a Christian social and national politically conservative position, exaggerated anti-communism, Euroscepticism and a left paternalist economic policy.}} and [[left-conservative]].{{cite book |last1=Wagner |first1=Sarah |last2=Wurthmann |first2=L. Constantin |year=2025 |title=Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht - Vernunft und Gerechtigkeit: Eine politikwissenschaftliche Einordnung (BSW) |publisher=[[Springer Science+Business Media]] |doi=10.1007/978-3-658-48042-4 |isbn=978-3-658-48042-4 |location=[[Wiesbaden]] |url=https://pureadmin.qub.ac.uk/ws/portalfiles/portal/637883089/978-3-658-48042-4.pdf |language=de |page=17 |quote=In Zentral- und Osteuropa zeigt sich ein deutlich anderes Bild: Das BSW wäre hier keineswegs ein Einzelfall, da das linkskonservative Spektrum von politischen Parteien gut ausgefüllt wird. Ein prominentes Beispiel ist die polnische PiS Partei, die eine Mischung aus wirtschaftlichem Interventionismus und konservativer Gesellschaftspolitik verkörpert (siehe auch Kap. 5 zur Europawahl). |trans-quote=The picture is quite different in Central and Eastern Europe, where the BSW would by no means be an isolated case, as the left-conservative spectrum of political parties is well represented. A prominent example is the Polish PiS party, which embodies a mixture of economic interventionism and conservative social policy (see also Chapter 5 on the European elections).}} It is a member of the [[European Conservatives and Reformists Party|European Conservatives and Reformists]],{{Cite book|last=Nordsieck|first=Wolfram|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1aGbDwAAQBAJ&q=pis+party+ACRE&pg=PA417|title=Parties and Elections in Europe: Parliamentary Elections and Governments since 1945, European Parliament Elections, Political Orientation and History of Parties|date=5 June 2019|publisher=BoD – Books on Demand|isbn=9783732292509|language=en}} and on national-level it heads the [[United Right (Poland)|United Right]] coalition. It has been accused of [[authoritarianism]] and contributing to [[democratic backsliding]], and attracted widespread international criticism and domestic protest movements. Democratic backsliding: * {{Cite journal |author=Licia Cianetti |author2=James Dawson |author3=Seán Hanley |date=2018 |title=Rethinking "democratic backsliding" in Central and Eastern Europe – looking beyond Hungary and Poland |journal=East European Politics |volume=34 |issue=3 |pages=243–256 |doi=10.1080/21599165.2018.1491401 |quote=Over the past decade, a scholarly consensus has emerged that democracy in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is deteriorating, a trend often subsumed under the label 'backsliding'. ... the new dynamics of backsliding are best illustrated by the one-time democratic front-runners Hungary and Poland. |doi-access=free}} * {{cite journal |last1=Piotrowski |first1=Grzegorz |date=2020 |title=Civil Society in Illiberal Democracy: The Case of Poland |url=https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=875418 |journal=Politologický časopis – Czech Journal of Political Science |language=en |volume=XXVII |issue=2 |pages=196–214 |doi=10.5817/PC2020-2-196 |issn=1211-3247 |s2cid=226544116|url-access=subscription |doi-access=free }} * {{cite journal |last1=Sata |first1=Robert |last2=Karolewski |first2=Ireneusz Pawel |date=2020 |title=Caesarean politics in Hungary and Poland |journal=East European Politics |volume=36 |issue=2 |pages=206–225 |doi=10.1080/21599165.2019.1703694 |s2cid=213911605 |doi-access=free|hdl=20.500.14018/13975 |hdl-access=free }} * {{cite journal |last1=Drinóczi |first1=Tímea |last2=Bień-Kacała |first2=Agnieszka |date=2019 |title=Illiberal Constitutionalism: The Case of Hungary and Poland |journal=German Law Journal |volume=20 |issue=8 |pages=1140–1166 |doi=10.1017/glj.2019.83 |doi-access=free}} Authoritarianism or dictatorship: * {{cite book |last1=Ágh |first1=Attila |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Nj6tDwAAQBAJ&q=dictatorship |title=Declining Democracy in East-Central Europe: The Divide in the EU and Emerging Hard Populism |date=2019 |publisher=Edward Elgar Publishing |isbn=978-1-78897-473-8 |pages=175–176 |language=en}} * {{cite book |last1=Sadurski |first1=Wojciech |title=Poland's Constitutional Breakdown |date=2019 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0-19-884050-3 |pages=242–266 |language=en |chapter=Illiberal Democracy or Populist Authoritarianism? |doi=10.1093/oso/9780198840503.003.0009 |ref=none |chapter-url=https://oxford.universitypressscholarship.com/view/10.1093/oso/9780198840503.001.0001/oso-9780198840503-chapter-9}} * {{cite journal |last1=Lendvai-Bainton |first1=Noemi |last2=Szelewa |first2=Dorota |date=2020 |title=Governing new authoritarianism: Populism, nationalism and radical welfare reforms in Hungary and Poland |journal=Social Policy & Administration |volume=55 |issue=4 |pages=559–572 |doi=10.1111/spol.12642 |doi-access=free|hdl=1983/e97d6ec9-5fd8-40b2-9a0d-ba998c47a5c9 |hdl-access=free }} * {{cite journal |last1=Fomina |first1=Joanna |last2=Kucharczyk |first2=Jacek |date=2016 |title=Populism and Protest in Poland |url=https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/the-specter-haunting-europe-populism-and-protest-in-poland/ |journal=Journal of Democracy |volume=27 |issue=4 |pages=58–68 |doi=10.1353/jod.2016.0062 |s2cid=152254870 |quote=The 2015 victory of Poland's Law and Justice (PiS) party is an example of the rise of contemporary authoritarian populism... the PiS gained a parliamentary absolute majority; it has since drawn on this majority to dismantle democratic checks and balances. The PiS's policies have led to intensifying xenophobia, aggressive nationalism, and unprecedented polarisation that have engendered deep splits within Polish society and have given rise to social protest movements not seen in Poland since 1989.|url-access=subscription }} * {{cite journal |last1=Markowski |first1=Radoslaw |date=2019 |title=Creating Authoritarian Clientelism: Poland After 2015 |journal=Hague Journal on the Rule of Law |language=en |volume=11 |issue=1 |pages=111–132 |doi=10.1007/s40803-018-0082-5 |issn=1876-4053 |s2cid=158160832 |doi-access=free}} * {{cite journal |last1=Surowiec |first1=Paweł |last2=Štětka |first2=Václav |date=2020 |title=Introduction: media and illiberal democracy in Central and Eastern Europe |journal=East European Politics |volume=36 |issue=1 |pages=1–8 |doi=10.1080/21599165.2019.1692822 |s2cid=212988926 |doi-access=free}} Domestic protests: * {{cite journal |last1=Jaskulowski |first1=Krzysztof |last2=Majewski |first2=Piotr |date=2023 |title=Populist in form, nationalist in content? Law and Justice, nationalism and memory politics |journal=European Politics and Society |volume=24 |issue=4 |pages=461–476 |doi=10.1080/23745118.2022.2058752 |doi-access=free|quote=PiS is building a state subordinated to the ideology of an ethnic-authoritarian nationalism... After winning the elections in 2015, PiS began the process of taking over the museum and to staff it with its own people, finally succeeding in April 2017 despite various protests and court cases.}} * {{cite journal | vauthors=((Ryzak, C.)) | journal=Dissent | title=The Law and Justice Party's Moral Pseudo-Revolution | volume=67 | issue=4 | pages=138–147 | publisher=Project MUSE | date= 2020 | url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2020.0077 | doi=10.1353/dss.2020.0077| quote=The danger that PiS’s authoritarianism poses for labor was evident... a total ban on abortions was overwhelmingly opposed by the Polish population, leading to large women’s protests in the streets.| url-access=subscription }} * {{cite journal | vauthors=((Bill, S.)) | journal=East European Politics and Societies: And Cultures | title=Counter-Elite Populism and Civil Society in Poland: PiS's Strategies of Elite Replacement | volume=36 | issue=1 | pages=118–140 | publisher=SAGE Publications | date=16 September 2020 | url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325420950800 | doi=10.1177/0888325420950800| quote=In 2016, when the government first announced plans to create this institution, domestic and international observers noted a lack of transparency and consultation as well as the potential for politicization or control of civil society.}} ==History== ===Formation=== The party was created on a wave of popularity gained by [[Lech Kaczyński]] while heading the [[Polish Ministry of Justice]] (June 2000 to July 2001) in the [[Solidarity Electoral Action|AWS]]-led government, although local committees began appearing from 22 March 2001.{{cite journal|last1=Bale|first1=Tim|last2=Szczerbiak|first2=Aleks|date=December 2006|title=Why is there no Christian Democracy in Poland (and why does this matter)?|url=https://www.sussex.ac.uk/webteam/gateway/file.php?name=sei-working-paper-no-91.pdf&site=266|journal=SEI Working Paper|publisher=Sussex European Institute|issue=91}}The AWS itself was created from a diverse array of many small political parties. In the [[2001 Polish parliamentary election|2001 general election]], PiS gained 44 (of 460) seats in the lower chamber of the Polish Parliament ([[Sejm]]) with 9.5% of votes. In 2002, Lech Kaczyński was elected mayor of [[Warsaw]]. He handed the party leadership to his twin brother [[Jarosław Kaczyński|Jarosław]] in 2003.{{cite web |url=https://forsal.pl/artykuly/429630,jaroslaw-kaczynski-zyciorys-i-poglady.html |title=Jarosław Kaczyński - życiorys i poglądy |date=17 June 2010 |language=pl |website=[[Forsal.pl]] |quote="Od 2001 roku J. Kaczyński przewodniczył klubowi parlamentarnemu PiS. W 2003 roku został prezesem PiS, zastępując na tej funkcji brata, gdy Lech Kaczyński został prezydentem Warszawy." |trans-quote="From 2001, J. Kaczyński chaired the Law and Justice parliamentary club. In 2003, he became President of the Law and Justice party, replacing his brother in this position when Lech Kaczyński became Mayor of Warsaw."}} ===In coalition government: 2005–2007=== [[File:4041 Zwycięstwa Street 26 C Białystok.jpg|thumb|right|Former regional office of PiS in Zwycięstwa Street in [[Osiedle Antoniuk, Białystok|Antoniuk District]] of [[Białystok]], May 2019]] In the [[2005 Polish parliamentary election|2005 general election]], PiS took first place with 27.0% of votes, which gave it 155 out of 460 seats in the Sejm and 49 out of 100 seats in the Senate. It was almost universally expected that the two largest parties, PiS and [[Civic Platform]] (PO), would form a coalition government. The putative coalition parties had a falling out, however, related to a fierce contest for the [[2005 Polish presidential election|Polish presidency]]. In the end, Lech Kaczyński won the second round of the presidential election on 23 October 2005 with 54.0% of the vote, ahead of [[Donald Tusk]], the PO candidate. After the 2005 elections, Jarosław should have become prime minister. However, in order to improve his brother's chances of winning the presidential election (the first round of which was scheduled two weeks after the parliamentary election), PiS formed a minority government headed by [[Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz]] as prime minister, an arrangement that eventually turned out to be unworkable. In July 2006, PiS formed a coalition government with the agrarian populist [[Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland]] and the nationalist [[League of Polish Families]], headed by Jarosław Kaczyński. In September 2006 the coalition was abruptly ended after the leftist Samoobrona protested Kaczyński's decision to send additional Polish troops to Afghanistan. PiS faced a threat of early election and sought to replace Samoobrona with the [[Polish People's Party]]. However, after a senior aide of Kaczyński was filmed secretly trying to bribe a Samoobrona MP to defect to PiS, [[Jarosław Kalinowski]], the leader of the Polish People's Party, accused PiS of corruption and ruled out a coalition. Later, in October 2006, PiS was able to restore its coalition government with Samoobrona and LPR, and defeat the motion for early elections.{{cite journal |url=https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/download/article-file/1382 |journal=Marmara Journal of European Studies |volume=14 |issue=2 |year=2006 |first=Gary |last=Chambers |title=The Dual Challenge of Democratisation and European Integration in Post-Communist Poland |publisher=Atatiirk Education Faculty |pages=214–238}} In the [[2006 Polish local elections]] that took place in November 2006, PiS narrowly lost the contest for the first place with Civic Platform. However, the coalition partners of Law and Justice, Samoobrona and LPR, lost roughly two-thirds of their supports in the elections, questioning the stability of the coalition. The coalition collapsed after Lepper was dismissed from his position as Deputy Prime Minister on 9 July 2007 over suspicions that he was involved in a corruption scandal. It was then claimed that the [[Central Anticorruption Bureau]] (accused of being led by PiS) organized a [[sting operation]] against Lepper; PiS dismissed all of their ministers from the government after the affair, effectively ending the coalition.{{cite thesis |url=https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/158457184.pdf |page=163 |title=Changing Patterns of Corruption in Poland and Hungary 1990-2010 |first=Jennifer Joan |last=Kartner |publisher=Arizona State University |degree=Doctor of Philosophy |date=May 2018}} On 6 September 2007, the Sejm was dissolved and the [[2007 Polish parliamentary election|2007 snap election]] was called.{{cite journal |pages=96–97 |title=Populist Politics and Liberal Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe |location=Bratislava |year=2008 |first1=Grigorij |last1=Mesežnikov |author-link1=Grigorij Mesežnikov |first2=Oľga |last2=Gyárfášová |author-link2=:sk:Oľga Gyárfášová |first3=Daniel |last3=Smilov |publisher=Institute for Public Affairs |journal=Working Papers |url=http://pdc.ceu.hu/archive/00004891/01/1214822685__populist_politics.pdf}} ===In opposition: 2007–2015=== [[File:Jarosław Kaczyński (8736182554).jpg|thumb|[[Jarosław Kaczyński]] and [[Andrzej Duda]], 18 April 2013]] In the [[2007 Polish parliamentary election|2007 general election]], PiS managed to secure 32.1% of votes. Although an improvement over its showing from 2005, the results were nevertheless a defeat for the party, as [[Civic Platform]] (PO) gathered 41.5%. The party won 166 out of 460 seats in the Sejm and 39 seats in [[Senate of Poland|Poland's Senate]]. The two partners of PiS from the 2006-2007, Samoobrona and LPR, fell below 5% and lost all theirs seats, despite polling around 5% shortly before the election. In 2009, the government coalition led by Civic Platform and Polish People's Party charged [[Mariusz Kamiński]], the head of the Central Anticorruption Bureau, with abuse of power in connection to the sting operation against Lepper. On 10 April 2010, its former leader Lech Kaczyński died in the [[2010 Polish Air Force Tu-154 crash]].{{Cite web |title=The 10th anniversary of the Smolensk plane crash |url=https://www.gov.pl/web/oecd-en/the-10th-anniversary-of-the-smolensk-plane-crash |access-date=2024-06-13 |website=Website of the Republic of Poland |language=en-GB}} [[Jarosław Kaczyński]] became the sole leader of the party. He was the presidential candidate in the [[2010 Polish presidential election|2010 elections]]. In the 2010 election, Jarosław gathered 46.99% of the vote, losing to Civic Platform candidate [[Bronisław Komorowski|Bronislaw Komorowski]], who won with 53.01%.{{Cite news |date=2010-07-04 |title=Bronislaw Komorowski declared president of Poland |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/10503555 |access-date=2024-06-13 |work=BBC News |language=en-GB}}{{Cite web |date=5 July 2010 |title=Bronisław Komorowski wins the presidential election in Poland |url=https://www.president.pl/president-komorowski/news/bronislaw-komorowski-wins-the-presidential-election-in-poland,38412 |website=The official website of the President of the Republic of Poland}} ===In majority government: 2015–2023=== {{See also|2015 Polish Constitutional Court crisis|Polish rule-of-law crisis}} {{Multiple issues|section=yes|{{Expand section|date=January 2016}} {{Update section|date=April 2016}}}} [[File:KOD demonstration, Warsaw May 7 2016 01.jpg|thumb|A [[Committee for the Defence of Democracy]] demonstration in Warsaw against the ruling Law and Justice party, on 7 May 2016]] The party won the [[2015 Polish parliamentary election|2015 parliamentary election]], this time with an outright majority—something no Polish party had done since the fall of [[Polish People's Republic|communism]]. In the normal course of events, this should have made Jarosław Kaczyński prime minister for a second time. However, [[Beata Szydło]], perceived as being somewhat more moderate than Kaczyński, had been tapped as PiS's candidate for prime minister.{{cite news|url=https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2015-10-25/poland-ousts-government-as-law-justice-gains-historic-majority|title=Poland Ousts Government as Law & Justice Gains Historic Majority|agency=Bloomberg|date=25 October 2015|access-date=25 October 2015}}{{cite news|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-34631826|title=Poland elections: Conservatives secure decisive win|date=25 October 2015|access-date=25 October 2015}} The party supported controversial reforms carried out by the Hungarian [[Fidesz]] party, with Jarosław Kaczyński declaring in 2011 that "a day will come when we have a Budapest in Warsaw".{{cite web|title=Przyjdzie dzień, że w Warszawie będzie Budapeszt|date=9 October 2011 |url=https://www.tvn24.pl/wiadomosci-z-kraju,3/przyjdzie-dzien-ze-w-warszawie-bedzie-budapeszt,186922.html|publisher=tvn24.pl}} PiS's 2015 victory prompted creation of a cross-party opposition movement, the [[Committee for the Defence of Democracy]] (KOD).{{cite journal |last1=Karolewski |first1=Ireneusz Paweł |title=Protest and participation in post-transformation Poland: The case of the Committee for the Defense of Democracy (KOD) |journal=Communist and Post-Communist Studies |date=2016 |volume=49 |issue=3 |pages=255–267 |doi=10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.003}} Law and Justice has Proposed 2017 judicial reforms, which according to the party were meant to improve efficiency of the justice system, sparked protest as they were seen as undermining [[judicial independence]].{{refn|{{cite news|title=EU and Poland edge closer to showdown over judicial reform|url=https://www.ft.com/content/d4184144-97c6-11e7-b83c-9588e51488a0 |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20221210/https://www.ft.com/content/d4184144-97c6-11e7-b83c-9588e51488a0 |archive-date=10 December 2022 |url-access=subscription|newspaper=Financial Times|date=12 September 2017 }}{{cite news|last1=Koper|first1=Pawel|last2=Sobczak|first2=Anna|title=Polish president backs down in judicial reform spat|url=https://uk.reuters.com/article/uk-poland-judiciary-president/polish-president-backs-down-in-judicial-reform-spat-idUKKCN1BZ126|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170926045001/https://uk.reuters.com/article/uk-poland-judiciary-president/polish-president-backs-down-in-judicial-reform-spat-idUKKCN1BZ126|url-status=dead|archive-date=26 September 2017|work=Reuters}}{{cite web|title=The Observer view on Poland's assault on law and the judiciary|url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/jul/23/poland-anti-democracy-european-union|newspaper=The Guardian |date=22 July 2017}}{{cite news|title=How Poland's government is weakening democracy|url=https://www.economist.com/blogs/economist-explains/2017/07/economist-explains-25|newspaper= The Economist|language=en}}{{cite web|last1=Marcinkiewicz|first1=Kamil|last2=Stegmaier|first2=Mary|title=Poland appears to be dismantling its own hard-won democracy|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2017/07/21/poland-appears-to-be-dismantling-its-own-hard-won-democracy/|newspaper=The Washington Post |date=21 July 2017}}}} While these reforms were initially unexpectedly vetoed by President Duda, he later signed them into law.{{Cite news|date=4 July 2018|title=Chronology: Poland clashes with EU over judicial reforms, rule of law|language=en|work=Reuters|url=https://www.reuters.com/article/us-eu-poland-chronology-idUSKBN1JU25U|access-date=16 July 2020}} In 2017, the European Union began an [[Article 7 of the Treaty on European Union|Article 7]] infringement procedure against Poland due to a "clear risk of a serious breach" in the [[rule of law]] and fundamental values of the European Union.{{cite book |last1=Moberg |first1=Andreas |title=The European Union and the Return of the Nation State: Interdisciplinary European Studies |date=2020 |publisher=Springer International Publishing |isbn=978-3-030-35005-5 |pages=59–82 |language=en |chapter=When the Return of the Nation-State Undermines the Rule of Law: Poland, the EU, and Article 7 TEU}} The party has caused what constitutional law scholar [[Wojciech Sadurski]] termed a "constitutional breakdown"{{cite book |last1=Sadurski |first1=Wojciech |title=Poland's Constitutional Breakdown |date=2019 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0-19-884050-3 |language=en}} by packing the [[Constitutional Court (Poland)|Constitutional Court]] with its supporters, undermining parliamentary procedure, and reducing the president's and prime minister's offices in favour of power being wielded extra-constitutionally by party leader Jarosław Kaczyński.{{cite journal |last1=Tworzecki |first1=Hubert |title=Poland: A Case of Top-Down Polarization |journal=The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science |date=2019 |volume=681 |issue=1 |pages=97–119 |doi=10.1177/0002716218809322|s2cid=149662184 |quote=Lacking the two-thirds of majority needed to change the constitution outright, as Hungary’s government had done several years earlier, PiS sought to accomplish the same goal through ordinary legislation. When the Constitutional Tribunal objected, its rulings were ignored until it could be packed with government supporters, some of whom were sworn in by the president—a strong partisan of PiS himself, who made no effort to stand in the government’s way—in a rushed, middle-of-the-night ceremony. The national legislature was likewise turned into a rubber-stamp body through routine side-stepping of parliamentary procedure.|doi-access=free }} After eliminating constitutional checks, the government then moved to curtail the activities of NGOs and independent media, restrict freedom of speech and assembly, and reduce the qualifications required for civil service jobs in order to fill these positions with party loyalists.{{cite journal |last1=Lendvai-Bainton |first1=Noemi |last2=Szelewa |first2=Dorota |title=Governing new authoritarianism: Populism, nationalism and radical welfare reforms in Hungary and Poland |journal=Social Policy & Administration |date=2020 |volume=55 |issue=4 |pages=559–572 |doi=10.1111/spol.12642|doi-access=free |hdl=1983/e97d6ec9-5fd8-40b2-9a0d-ba998c47a5c9 |hdl-access=free }} The media law was changed to give the governing party control of the state media, which was turned into a partisan outlet, with dissenting journalists fired from their jobs.{{cite book |last1=Zawadzka |first1=Z |editor1-last=Robson |editor1-first=Peter |editor2-last=Schulz |editor2-first=Jennifer L. |title=Ethnicity, Gender, and Diversity: Law and Justice on TV |publisher=Lexington Books |isbn=978-1-4985-7291-0 |page=123 |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kwKEDwAAQBAJ&q=polish+state+media&pg=PA123 |language=en |chapter=Polish Productions about Polish Problems |date=17 December 2018 |quote=On January 7, 2016, the amendment of the Radio and Television Act of December 29, 1992 was signed into law, enabling the conservative government to control the state media.}}; {{cite web |title=Poland |url=https://rsf.org/en/poland |website=RSF |publisher=[[Reporters without borders]] |access-date=27 September 2020 |language=en |quote=Partisan discourse and hate speech are still the rule within state-owned media, which have been transformed into government propaganda mouthpieces. Their new directors tolerate neither opposition nor neutrality from employees and fire those who refuse to comply.}}; {{cite journal |last1=Surowiec |first1=Paweł |last2=Kania-Lundholm |first2=Magdalena |last3=Winiarska-Brodowska |first3=Małgorzata |title=Towards illiberal conditioning? New politics of media regulations in Poland (2015–2018) |journal=East European Politics |date=2020 |volume=36 |issue=1 |pages=27–43 |doi=10.1080/21599165.2019.1608826|s2cid=164430720 |url=http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-34160 }} Due to these political changes, Poland has been termed an "[[illiberal democracy]]",{{cite journal |last1=Piotrowski |first1=Grzegorz |title=Civil Society in Illiberal Democracy: The Case of Poland |journal=Politologický časopis – Czech Journal of Political Science |date=2020 |volume=XXVII |issue=2 |pages=196–214 |doi=10.5817/PC2020-2-196 |s2cid=226544116 |url=https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=875418 |language=en |issn=1211-3247|url-access=subscription |doi-access=free }}{{cite journal |last1=Sata |first1=Robert |last2=Karolewski |first2=Ireneusz Pawel |title=Caesarean politics in Hungary and Poland |journal=East European Politics |date=2020 |volume=36 |issue=2 |pages=206–225 |doi=10.1080/21599165.2019.1703694|s2cid=213911605 |doi-access=free |hdl=20.500.14018/13975 |hdl-access=free }} "plebiscitarian authoritarianism",{{sfn|Sadurski|2019|loc=[https://oxford.universitypressscholarship.com/view/10.1093/oso/9780198840503.001.0001/oso-9780198840503-chapter-9 Illiberal Democracy or Populist Authoritarianism?]}} or "velvet dictatorship with a façade of democracy".{{cite book |last1=Ágh |first1=Attila |title=Declining Democracy in East-Central Europe: The Divide in the EU and Emerging Hard Populism |date=2019 |publisher=Edward Elgar Publishing |isbn=978-1-78897-473-8 |pages=175–176 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Nj6tDwAAQBAJ&q=dictatorship |language=en}} The party won reelection in the [[2019 Polish parliamentary election|2019 parliamentary election]]. With 44% of the popular vote, Law and Justice received the highest vote share by any party since Poland returned to democracy in [[1989 Polish parliamentary election|1989]], but lost its majority in the [[Senate of Poland|Senate]].{{Citation|title=Wyniki wyborów 2019 do Sejmu RP|url=https://sejmsenat2019.pkw.gov.pl/sejmsenat2019/pl/wyniki/sejm/pl|accessdate=2022-10-03}}{{Citation|title=Wyniki wyborów 2019 do Senatu RP|url=https://sejmsenat2019.pkw.gov.pl/sejmsenat2019/pl/wyniki/senat/pl|accessdate=2022-10-03}}{{Cite news|last1=Barteczko|first1=Agnieszka|last2=Krajewski|first2=Adrian|title=Outright majority for Polish eurosceptics hangs in balance|date=26 October 2015 |work=[[Reuters]]|url=https://www.reuters.com/article/us-poland-election-idUKKCN0SK11Z20151026|accessdate=2022-10-03}} ===In opposition: 2023–present=== The [[United Right (Poland)|United Right]] alliance placed first for the third straight election and won a plurality of seats but fell short of a Sejm majority. The opposition, consisting of the [[Civic Coalition (Poland)|Civic Coalition]], [[Third Way (Poland)|Third Way]], and [[The Left (Poland)|The Left]], achieved a combined total vote of 54%, managing to form a majority [[Third Cabinet of Donald Tusk|coalition government]].{{cite web |date=15 October 2023 |title=Opposition wins Polish election, according to exit poll |url=https://www.politico.eu/article/opposition-wins-polish-election-according-to-exit-poll-poland-kaczynski-duda-tusk-election-rule-of-law/ |access-date=15 October 2023 |website=Politico |archive-date=15 October 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231015191532/https://www.politico.eu/article/opposition-wins-polish-election-according-to-exit-poll-poland-kaczynski-duda-tusk-election-rule-of-law/ |url-status=live}}{{cite web |last=Picheta |first=Rob |date=15 October 2023 |title=Poland's opposition has path to oust populist ruling party, exit poll shows |url=https://www.cnn.com/2023/10/15/europe/poland-election-voting-intl/index.html |access-date=15 October 2023 |publisher=CNN |archive-date=15 October 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231015152206/https://www.cnn.com/2023/10/15/europe/poland-election-voting-intl/index.html |url-status=live}} Although PiS would be unable to govern on its own, the Polish president [[Andrzej Duda]] stated his intention to re-appoint the incumbent [[Mateusz Morawiecki]] as prime minister due to the existing albeit unofficial convention of nominating a member of the winning party.{{Cite web |last=Cienski |first=Jan |date=2023-11-27 |title=Poland's zombie government shuffles into being |url=https://www.politico.eu/article/poland-government-election-donald-tusk-mateusz-morawiecki-andrzej-duda/ |access-date=2023-12-11 |website=Politico |language=en}} The four opposition parties criticized Duda's decision as a delay tactic. The opposition parties subsequently signed a coalition agreement on 10 November, de facto taking over control of the Sejm, and agreed to nominate former prime minister and [[President of the European Council|European Council President]] [[Donald Tusk]] as their candidate.{{cite news |author=Easton, Adam |date=10 November 2023 |title=Poland's Tusk-led pro-EU opposition signs deal and waits to govern |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-67381267.amp |access-date=10 November 2023 |agency=[[BBC News]]}} Morawiecki's new cabinet, dubbed "two-week government" and "zombie government" by the media due to its anticipated short-livedness, was sworn in on 27 November 2023.{{Cite web |title=Prezydent powoła "rząd dwutygodniowy" |url=https://wyborcza.pl/7,75398,30444513,prezydent-powola-rzad-dwutygodniowy.html |access-date=2023-11-27 |website=wyborcza.pl |language=pl}} As expected, [[Third Cabinet of Mateusz Morawiecki|the Morawiecki's government]] was defeated in the Sejm on 11 December 2023, effectively ending its tenure. The party's endorsed candidate, [[Karol Nawrocki]], won the [[2025 Polish presidential election]] in an upset victory. On 7 March 2026, [[Przemysław Czarnek]] was named as the party's candidate for the office of [[Prime Minister of Poland|Prime Minister]] for the [[Next Polish parliamentary election]].{{cite news |date=2026-03-07 |last=Wróblewski |first=Michał |title=Nie zderzak, a czołg. Czarnek kandydatem PiS na premiera. "To będzie totalna jazda na prawo" |url=https://wiadomosci.wp.pl/nie-zderzak-a-czolg-czarnek-kandydatem-pis-na-premiera-to-bedzie-totalna-jazda-na-prawo-7261763591829664a |publisher=[[Wirtualna Polska]] |access-date=2026-03-07}} Following Czarnek's nomination as the party's Prime Ministerial candidate as well as internal party tension, the Scouts faction, led by former Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki, broke away to form [[Development Plus]]{{cite web |url=https://www.euractiv.com/news/former-polish-pm-leads-party-split-in-challenge-to-pis-leader/ |title=Ex-Polish PM Morawiecki leads breakaway from PiS to rival Kaczyński |first=Karolina |last=Wójcicka |location=[[Warsaw]] |date=24 July 2026 |website=[[Euractiv]]}}. ====2024 party subsidy issue==== {{update|section|date=May 2025}} {{multiple image|align=right|perrow=2|total_width=320|image1=Sylwester Marciniak – zaświadczenie.jpg|width1=160|image2=Wojciech Sych.jpg|width2=160|footer=Sylwester Marciniak (left) and Wojciech Sych (right)}} On 14 March 2024, the President appointed a new composition of the [[National Electoral Commission (Poland)|National Electoral Commission]] (PKW), selected by the Sejm in December 2023. While {{ill|Sylwester Marciniak|pl|Sylwester Marciniak}} remained the chairman of the PKW, a position he held since 11 February 2020 and {{ill|Wojciech Sych|pl|Wojciech Sych}} as his deputy, seven other members were recommended by different parties in parliament: KO recommended {{ill|Konrad Składowski|pl|Konrad Składowski}} and {{ill|Ryszard Balicki|pl|Ryszard Balicki}}, PiS recommended {{ill|Mirosław Suski|pl|Mirosław Suski}} and {{ill|Arkadiusz Pikulik|pl|Arkadiusz Pikulik}}, PSL recommended {{ill|Maciej Kliś|pl|Maciej Kliś}}, PL2050 recommended {{ill|Paweł Gieras|pl|Paweł Gieras}}, and Lewica recommended [[Ryszard Kalisz]].{{cite news |last=Matłacz |first=Agnieszka |date=2023-12-22 |title=Sejm wybrał siedmiu członków Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej |url=https://www.prawo.pl/samorzad/sklad-pkw-2023-2027,524613.html |publisher=Prawo.pl |access-date=2025-01-10}}{{cite press release |date=2024-03-06 |title=Prezydent RP powołał członków Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej |url= https://wybory.pkw.gov.pl/aktualnosci/informacje/prezydent-rp-powolal-czlonkow-panstwowej-komisji-wyborczej |publisher=PKW |access-date=2025-01-10}} On 29 August, the PKW ruled 5:3{{Cite news |title=Tak głosowali członkowie PKW w sprawie rozliczenia PiS. Wiemy, co zrobił przewodniczący: Podział głosów w PKW podczas głosowania nad odrzuceniem rozliczenia wyborczego Prawa i Sprawiedliwości był następujący: pięć "za", trzy "przeciw", jeden wstrzymujący się. Przewodniczący Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej był tym, który wstrzymał się od głosu. |date=2024-08-29 |url=https://wiadomosci.onet.pl/kraj/tak-glosowali-czlonkowie-pkw-w-sprawie-rozliczenia-pis-wiemy-co-zrobil-przewodniczacy/z6s7m0l |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240829162750/https://wiadomosci.onet.pl/kraj/tak-glosowali-czlonkowie-pkw-w-sprawie-rozliczenia-pis-wiemy-co-zrobil-przewodniczacy/z6s7m0l |archive-date=2024-08-29 |access-date=2025-03-03 |work=[[Onet.pl]] |trans-title=This is how the members of the PKW voted on the PiS settlement. We know what the chairperson did: The division of votes in the PKW during the vote on the rejection of the Law and Justice election settlement was as follows: five "for", three "against", one abstention. The Chairperson of the State Electoral Commission was the one who abstained. |language=pl}} to penalize PiS by refusing to return 10.8 million PLN for 36 million designated to it via [[party subsidy]], alleging the party misused 3.6 million PLN of their provided campaign funds in the 2023 parliamentary election.{{cite news |date=2024-08-29 |title=Jest decyzja PKW w sprawie pieniędzy z budżetu dla PiS |url=https://www.rp.pl/polityka/art41041661-jest-decyzja-pkw-w-sprawie-pieniedzy-z-budzetu-dla-pis |publisher=[[Rzeczpospolita (newspaper)|Rzeczpospolita]] |access-date=2025-01-10}} Despite PiS appealing the decision to the [[Supreme Court of Poland|Supreme Court]], the Supreme Court issued no verdict within the 60-day deadline. The party appealed to its members and supporters for financial aid in donations.{{cite news |last=Żółciak |first=Tomasz |date=2024-08-29 |title="Będzie wiadomo, kto jest z nami na dobre i na złe". W PiS mobilizacja po decyzji PKW |url=https://www.money.pl/gospodarka/bedzie-wiadomo-kto-jest-z-nami-na-dobre-i-na-zle-w-pis-mobilizacja-po-decyzji-pkw-7065381397543456a.html |publisher=Money.pl |access-date=2025-01-10}} The PKW tied in a vote on 23 September regarding whether the committee recognizes the Supreme Court as valid considering the ongoing [[Polish constitutional crisis|constitutional crisis]].{{Cite news |title=Pat w PKW. PiS może nadal dostawać subwencję: W Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej trwa pat, który skutkuje paraliżem prac tego organu. W efekcie może dojść do sytuacji, w której PiS jednak będzie otrzymywał subwencję z budżetu. Szef PKW Sylwester Marciniak postanowił bowiem na razie nie zwoływać posiedzeń Komisji. |author1=KUC |date=2024-10-05 |url=https://businessinsider.com.pl/prawo/pat-w-pkw-pis-moze-nadal-dostawac-subwencje/bnne910 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20241005075133/https://businessinsider.com.pl/prawo/pat-w-pkw-pis-moze-nadal-dostawac-subwencje/bnne910 |archive-date=2024-10-05 |access-date=2025-03-03 |work=[[Business Insider|BUSINESS INSIDER]] |trans-title=A stalemate at PKW. PiS can still get a subsidy: There is an ongoing stalemate at the State Election Commission which is resulting in the paralysis of the work of this body. As a result, a situation may arise in which PiS will nevertheless receive a subsidy from the budget. This is because the head of the PKW, Sylwester Marciniak, has decided not to convene meetings of the Commission for the time being. |language=pl |agency=[[Polish Press Agency|Polska Agencja Prasowa]]}} Further penalizations by the PKW on 18 November occurred thereafter, with the Commission ruling 5:4 to deprive PiS of its entire 75 million PLN subsidy for the three next years. PiS likewise appealed this decision to the Supreme Court,{{cite news |date=2024-11-18 |title=Sprawozdanie finansowe PiS. Jest decyzja PKW |url=https://www.money.pl/gospodarka/sprawozdanie-finansowe-pis-jest-decyzja-pkw-7094017149197248a.html|publisher=Money.pl |access-date=2025-01-10}}{{Cite news |title=Izba Kontroli SN: Niesłuszne odrzucenie sprawozdania rocznego PiS za 2023 r.: We wtorek 21 stycznia Izba Kontroli Nadzwyczajnej i Spraw Publicznych Sądu Najwyższego orzekła na posiedzeniu niejawnym, że odrzucenie rocznego sprawozdania finansowego Prawa i Sprawiedliwości za 2023 rok przez Państwowa Komisję Wyborczą było niezasadne. Rozpatrując sprawozdanie finansowe PKW powinna była przeprowadzić nowe postępowanie dowodowe. W sprawie zdecydowało siedmioro sędziów tej Izby, która według Trybunału w Strasburgu nie jest sądem w rozumieniu ustawy. |last1=Horbaczewski |first1=Robert |date=2025-01-21 |url=https://www.prawo.pl/samorzad/odrzucone-sprawozdanie-finansowe-pis-za-2023-r,530057.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20250303231322/https://www.prawo.pl/samorzad/odrzucone-sprawozdanie-finansowe-pis-za-2023-r,530057.html |archive-date=2025-03-03 |access-date=2025-03-03 |work=Prawo.pl |last2=Żaczkiewicz-Zborska |first2=Katarzyna |trans-title=SN Control Chamber: wrongful rejection of Law and Justice's 2023 annual report: On Tuesday 21 January, the Supreme Court's Chamber of Extraordinary Control and Public Affairs ruled in a closed session that the rejection of Law and Justice's annual financial report for 2023 by the State Election Commission was unjustified. When considering the financial report, the PKW should have conducted a new evidentiary procedure. The case was decided by seven judges of the Chamber, which, according to the Strasbourg Court, is not a court under the law. |language=pl}} which the Supreme Court ruled invalid on 11 December, obligating the PKW to return PiS its subsidy.{{cite news |date=2024-12-11 |title=PiS wygrywa w Sądzie Najwyższym. Uchwała PKW o rozliczeniu kampanii uchylona |url=https://www.rp.pl/prawo-dla-ciebie/art41568741-pis-wygrywa-w-sadzie-najwyzszym-uchwala-pkw-o-rozliczeniu-kampanii-uchylona |publisher=[[Rzeczpospolita (newspaper)|Rzeczpospolita]] |access-date=2025-01-10}} The Commission voted 5:4 to adjourn the meeting on 16 December without recognizing the Supreme Court or its ruling.{{Cite news |title=Zaskakująca decyzja PKW w sprawie subwencji dla PiS: Niespodziewany wynik posiedzenia Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej ws. kar nałożonych w sierpniu na Komitet Wyborczy PiS, a uchylonych przez Sąd Najwyższy. Pięcioma głosami przeciw czterem PKW przyjęła wniosek o odroczenie decyzji w tej sprawie "do czasu systemowego rozwiązania sprawy tzw. neo-sędziów, tworzących Izbę Kontroli Nadzwyczajnej". |last1=Żak |first1=Karol |date=2024-12-16 |url=https://www.rmf24.pl/polityka/news-zaskakujaca-decyzja-pkw-w-sprawie-subwencji-dla-pis,nId,7876298 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20241216154821/https://www.rmf24.pl/polityka/news-zaskakujaca-decyzja-pkw-w-sprawie-subwencji-dla-pis,nId,7876298 |archive-date=2024-12-16 |access-date=2025-03-03 |work=[[RMF FM]] |last2=Stelmach |first2=Waldemar |last3=Skory |first3=Tomasz |trans-title=Surprising PKW decision on Law and Justice (PiS) subsidies: Unexpected outcome of the State Electoral Commission meeting on penalties imposed on the Law and Justice (PiS) Electoral Committee in August and overturned by the Supreme Court. By five votes against four, the PKW adopted a motion to postpone a decision on the matter "until the case of the so-called neo-judges, forming the Chamber of Extraordinary Control, is resolved systemically". |language=pl}} On 30 December, a re-vote was held on the matter of whether it recognizes the Supreme Court, ruling 4:3 in favor of recognizing its verdict on this matter, and accepting the Supreme Court's decision to return the funds to PiS.{{cite press release |date=2024-12-31 |title=Uchwała nr 421/2024 PKW z dnia 30 grudnia 2024 r. w sprawie sprawozdania finansowego Komitetu Wyborczego Prawo i Sprawiedliwość z wyborów do Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej i do Senatu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej przeprowadzonych w dniu 15 października 2023 r. |url=https://pkw.gov.pl/aktualnosci/uchwaly/uchwala-nr-4212024-pkw-z-dnia-30-grudnia-2024-r-w-sprawie-sprawozdania-finansowego-komitetu-wyborcze |location= |publisher=[[National Electoral Commission (Poland)|National Electoral Commission]] |access-date=2025-01-10}}{{Cite news |title=PKW przyjmuje sprawozdanie PiS. Decyzja o wypłacie w rękach ministra: Państwowa Komisja Wyborcza, wykonując postanowienie Sądu Najwyższego z 11 grudnia, przyjęła w poniedziałek sprawozdanie finansowe komitetu PiS z wyborów parlamentarnych 2023 r. Mimo to partia Jarosława Kaczyńskiego może jeszcze poczekać na pieniądze. Obecnie wszystko w rękach ministra finansów, a ten otrzymuje różne sygnały. |author1=gkmp |date=2024-12-31 |url=https://businessinsider.com.pl/wiadomosci/panstwowa-komisja-wyborcza-przyjela-sprawozdanie-finansowe-komitetu-pis/7hqdxxd |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20241231132736/https://businessinsider.com.pl/wiadomosci/panstwowa-komisja-wyborcza-przyjela-sprawozdanie-finansowe-komitetu-pis/7hqdxxd |archive-date=2024-12-31 |access-date=2025-03-03 |work=[[Business Insider|BUSINESS INSIDER]] |trans-title=PKW accepts PiS report. Decision on payment in the hands of the minister: the State Election Commission, implementing the Supreme Court's decision of 11 December, on Monday accepted the PiS committee's financial report on the 2023 parliamentary elections. Despite this, Jarosław Kaczyński's party can still wait for the money. It is currently all in the hands of the finance minister, and he is receiving mixed signals. |language=pl |agency=[[Polish Press Agency|Polska Agencja Prasowa]]}} Subsequently, the matter was relayed to the [[Ministry of Finance (Poland)|Ministry of Finance]], in charge of granting subsidies.{{fact|date=May 2026}} In reaction to the ruling, several politicians commented. Prime Minister Donald Tusk stated on [[Twitter|X]] that he does not recognize the PKW positively ruling on granting PiS its subsidy.{{Cite tweet |number=1873793926634885589 |user=donaldtusk |title="Pieniędzy nie ma i nie będzie". Na moje oko tyle wynika z uchwały PKW. |first=Donald Franciszek |last=Tusk |date=2024-12-30 |access-date=2025-01-11 |author-link=Donald Tusk |language=pl |archive-url=https://archive.today/20241230184509/https://x.com/donaldtusk/status/1873793926634885589 |archive-date=2024-12-30 |url-status=live |trans-title="The money is not there and will not be there". To my eye, that much is clear from the resolution of the PKW. |df=dmy-all}} Marshal of the Sejm [[Szymon Hołownia]] stated the need for a compromise that lets Poles decide on a President without the validity of the president-elect's mandate being disputed by different parties.{{cite news |date=2024-12-30 |title=Hołownia komentuje decyzję PKW. "Potrzebna ustawa ratunkowa" |url=https://businessinsider.com.pl/wiadomosci/marszalek-sejmu-holownia-komentuje-decyzje-pkw/2z9lxkk |work=[[Business Insider]] |access-date=2025-01-10}} On 8 January 2025 Minister of Finance [[Andrzej Domański]] refused to recognize the PKW's ruling affirming PiS is to be granted its subsidy, stating the verdict was written in a "self-contradictory" way.{{cite news |date=2025-01-08 |title=Pieniądze dla PiS. Co dokładnie napisał minister Domański w piśmie do PKW? |url=https://www.rp.pl/prawo-w-polsce/art41657721-pieniadze-dla-pis-co-dokladnie-napisal-minister-domanski-w-pismie-do-pkw |publisher=[[Rzeczpospolita (newspaper)|Rzeczpospolita]] |access-date=2025-01-10}} Sylwester Marciniak, the PKW chairman, responded by stating the verdict was written clearly and demanding the Ministry grant PiS its allotted funds.{{cite news |date=2025-01-09 |title=Pieniądze dla PiS. Szef PKW odpowiada ministrowi finansów |url=https://www.tysol.pl/a133583-pieniadze-dla-pis-szef-pkw-odpowiada-ministrowi-finansow |publisher=Tysol.pl |access-date=2025-01-10}} Prime Minister Tusk expressed doubt over the legal validity of the PKW verdict, defending his Minister.{{cite news |date=2024-12-31 |title=Tusk komentuje decyzję Domańskiego ws. PKW. "Nie interesuje mnie, czy PiS ma te pieniądze" |url=https://businessinsider.com.pl/wiadomosci/tusk-komentuje-decyzje-domanskiego-ws-pkw-nie-interesuje-mnie-czy-pis-ma-te-pieniadze/9jejysg |work=[[Business Insider]] |access-date=2025-01-11}} A poll suggests 47.1% of Poles (98% of PiS voters, 71% of TD voters, 53% of Lewica voters) support PiS receiving the funds, and 46.9% (85% of PO voters, 80% of Konfederacja voters) are against.{{cite news |date=2025-01-16 |title=Sondaż "Rzeczpospolitej": Polacy podzieleni po decyzji PKW w sprawie pieniędzy dla PiS |url=https://www.rp.pl/polityka/art41684851-sondaz-rzeczpospolitej-polacy-podzieleni-po-decyzji-pkw-w-sprawie-pieniedzy-dla-pis |work=[[Rzeczpospolita (newspaper)|Rzeczpospolita]] |access-date=2025-01-10}} {| class="wikitable" |- ! colspan="2"; rowspan="2" | Party{{efn|Party that recommended the member to the [[National Electoral Commission (Poland)|PKW]]}} ! rowspan="2" | PKW member ! colspan="6" | Ruling |- ! 29 August ! 23 September ! 18 November ! 16 December ! 30 December |- | style="background-color:#DCDCDC;" | | [[Independent politician|Independent]] | Sylwester Marciniak | style="text-align:center; background:#F8F9FA" | Abstained | style="text-align:center; background:#C5E29A" | For | style="text-align:center;" rowspan="9" | Unknown | style="text-align:center; background:#FF9E9E" | Against | style="text-align:center; background:#C5E29A" | For |- | style="background-color:#DCDCDC;" | | [[Independent politician|Independent]] | Wojciech Sych | style="text-align:center; background:#FF9E9E" | Against | style="text-align:center;" rowspan="8" | Unknown | style="text-align:center; background:#FF9E9E" | Against | style="text-align:center; background:#C5E29A" | For |- | style="background-color:#F68F2D;" | | [[Civic Coalition (Poland)|KO]] | Konrad Składkowski | style="text-align:center; background:#C5E29A" | For | style="text-align:center; background:#C5E29A" | For | style="text-align:center; background:#F8F9FA" | Abstained |- | style="background-color:#F68F2D;" | | [[Civic Coalition (Poland)|KO]] | Ryszard Balicki | style="text-align:center; background:#C5E29A" | For | style="text-align:center; background:#C5E29A" | For | style="text-align:center; background:#F8F9FA" | Abstained |- | style="background-color:#263778;" | | PiS | Mirosław Suski | style="text-align:center; background:#FF9E9E" | Against | style="text-align:center; background:#FF9E9E" | Against | style="text-align:center; background:#C5E29A" | For |- | style="background-color:#263778;" | | PiS | Arkadiusz Pikulik | style="text-align:center; background:#FF9E9E" | Against | style="text-align:center; background:#FF9E9E" | Against | style="text-align:center; background:#C5E29A" | For |- | style="background-color:#1BB100;" | | [[Polish People's Party|PSL]] | Maciej Kliś | style="text-align:center; background:#C5E29A" | For | style="text-align:center; background:#C5E29A" | For | style="text-align:center; background:#FF9E9E" | Against |- | style="background-color:#FAC300;" | | [[Poland 2050|PL2050]] | Paweł Gieras | style="text-align:center; background:#C5E29A" | For | style="text-align:center; background:#C5E29A" | For | style="text-align:center; background:#FF9E9E" | Against |- | style="background-color:#AC145A;" | | [[The Left (Poland)|Left]] | Ryszard Kalisz | style="text-align:center; background:#C5E29A" | For | style="text-align:center; background:#C5E29A" | For | style="text-align:center; background:#FF9E9E" | Against |- ! colspan="3" | Total | style="text-align:center;" | 5:3 | style="text-align:center;" | 4:4 | style="text-align:center;" | 5:4 | style="text-align:center;" | 5:4 | style="text-align:center;" | 4:3 |} ===Breakaways=== In January 2010, a breakaway faction led by [[Jerzy Polaczek]] split from the party to form [[Poland Plus]]. Its seven members of the Sejm came from the [[Centrism|centrist]], [[Economic liberalization|economically liberal]] wing of the party. On 24 September 2010, the group was disbanded, with most of its Sejm members, including Polaczek, returning to Law and Justice. On 16 November 2010, MPs [[Joanna Kluzik-Rostkowska]], [[Elżbieta Jakubiak]] and [[Paweł Poncyljusz]], and [[Member of the European Parliament|MEPs]] [[Adam Bielan]] and [[Michał Kamiński]] formed a new political group, [[Poland Comes First]] (''Polska jest Najważniejsza'').[http://www.thenews.pl/national/?id=143599 Law and Justice breakaway politicians form new 'association'], thenews.pl Kamiński claimed that the Law and Justice party had been taken over by far-right extremists. The breakaway party formed following dissatisfaction with the direction and leadership of Kaczyński.[https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2010/nov/22/conservatives-eu-alliance-michal-kaminski Conservatives' EU alliance in turmoil as Michał Kamiński leaves 'far right' party], ''The Guardian'', 22 November 2010 On 4 November 2011, MEPs [[Zbigniew Ziobro]], [[Jacek Kurski]], and [[Tadeusz Cymański]] were ejected from the party, after Ziobro urged the party to split further into two separate parties – centrist and nationalist – with the three representing the nationalist faction.{{cite news |title=Opposition party Law and Justice expels critics |url=http://www.thenews.pl/1/9/Artykul/57996,Opposition-party-Law-and-Justice-expels-critics |publisher=[[Polskie Radio]] |date=4 November 2011 |access-date=6 November 2011}} Ziobro's supporters, most of whom were on the right wing of the party, formed a new group in Parliament called [[Solidary Poland]],{{cite news |title=Conservative MPs form 'Poland United' breakaway group after dismissals |url=http://www.thenews.pl/1/9/Artykul/58134,Conservative-MPs-form-Poland-United-breakaway-group-after-dismissals |publisher=TheNews.pl |date=8 November 2011 |access-date=31 May 2012}} leading to their expulsion, too.{{cite news |title=MPs axed by Law and Justice opposition |url=http://www.thenews.pl/1/9/Artykul/58525,MPs-axed-by-Law-and-Justice-opposition |publisher=TheNews.pl |date=15 November 2011 |access-date=31 May 2012}} United Poland was formed as a formally separate party in March 2012, but has not threatened Law and Justice in opinion polls.{{cite news |title=New Polish conservative party launched |url=http://www.thenews.pl/1/9/Artykul/94458,New-Polish-conservative-party-launched |publisher=TheNews.pl |date=26 March 2012 |access-date=31 May 2012}} United Poland which would later become [[Sovereign Poland]] merged with Law and Justice on 12 October 2024 during PiS congress in Przysucha. ==Base of support== {{See also|Poland A and B}} [[File:2023_powiaty.svg|thumb|left|upright=0.9|Law and Justice's main support (dark blue). PiS has seen decreased support in the [[2023 Polish parliamentary election]].]] [[File:2015 parliamentary election.png|thumb|right|upright=0.9|Law and Justice's main support (dark blue) is concentrated in the south-east of the country (former [[Russian Partition]] and [[Austrian Partition]]). Results of the [[2015 Polish parliamentary election]].]] [[File:Wybory Parlamentarne 2019.png|thumb|right|upright=0.9|Law and Justice's main support (dark blue). PiS has seen increased support in the [[2019 Polish parliamentary election]].]] Like Civic Platform, but unlike the fringe parties to the right, Law and Justice originated from the anti-communist [[Solidarity (Polish trade union)|Solidarity]] trade union (which is a major cleavage in Polish politics), which was not a theocratic organisation.Myant et al. (2008), p. 3 Solidarity's leadership wanted to back Law and Justice in 2005, but was held back by the union's last experience of party politics, in backing [[Solidarity Electoral Action]]. Today, the party enjoys great support among working class constituencies and union members. Groups that vote for the party include miners, farmers, shopkeepers, unskilled workers, the unemployed, and pensioners. With its left-wing approach toward economics, the party attracts voters who feel that economic liberalisation and European integration have left them behind. The party's core support derives from older, religious people who value conservatism and patriotism. PiS voters are usually located in rural areas and small towns. The strongest region of support is the southeastern part of the country. Voters without a university degree tend to prefer the party more than college-educated voters do. Regionally, it has more support in regions of Poland that were historically part of western [[Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria|Galicia-Lodomeria]] and [[Congress Poland]].Frank Jacobs, [http://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/12/12/zombie-borders/ "Zombie Borders"], ''[[The New York Times]]'' Opinionator blog, 12 December 2011 Since 2015, the borders of support are not as clear as before and party enjoys support in western parts of country, especially these deprived ones.{{citation needed|date=July 2018}} Large cities in all regions are more likely to vote for a more liberal party like [[Civic Platform|PO]] or [[Modern (political party)|.N]]. Still, PiS receives good support from poor and working class areas in large cities.{{citation needed|date=July 2018}} Based on this voter profile, Law and Justice forms the core of the conservative post-Solidarity bloc, along with the [[League of Polish Families]] and [[Solidarity Electoral Action]], as opposed to [[liberal conservative]] post-Solidarity bloc of Civic Platform.Jungerstam-Mulders (2006), p. 104 The most prominent feature of PiS voters was their emphasis on [[decommunisation]].Jungerstam-Mulders (2006), p. 103 {{ill|David Ost|pl}} distinguishes three main voters groups that form the base of Law and Justice's support. The first group are conservative Catholics, which support efforts to empower the Church and embrace anti-progressive, conservative social norms. The second group are secular intellectuals which are committed to "Polishness" and an enhanced international position of Poland; they support PiS to push back against the influence of the European Union, which they regard as a tool for Western domination. The third group are the working-class and poor voters that support PiS because of its economic policies which address the economic insecurity and wealth inequality of Poland. The workers that are particularly supportive of PiS are industrial workers and unionized labor, "where classic labor traditions are strongest." These workers also tend to be culturally conservative, which further aligns them with PiS.{{cite journal |last=Ost |first=David |author-link=:pl:David Ost |title=Workers and the Radical Right in Poland |journal=International Labor and Working-Class History |issue=93 |year=2018 |volume=93 |pages=113–24 |doi=10.1017/S0147547917000345 |publisher=CrossMark |jstor=26868599 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/26868599}} The trade union [[Solidarity (Polish trade union)|Solidarity]] has emerged as a staunch ally of Law and Justice in 2015, when the party's presidential candidate [[Andrzej Duda]] signed a pledge to implement the economic reforms proposed by Solidarity. Ost wrote: "In its first two years in power, as already noted, PiS essentially delivered on each of the promises.The reduction of the retirement age, the increases in the minimum and hourly wage, the fight against “junk contracts,” the commitment to do battle with the EU in order to subsidize national industrial champions, the greater respect accorded to unions: All of this has made full-time manufacturing employees PiS's most loyal working-class constituency." Ost also notes that given the decline of trade unions in Poland, the PiS' vote potential lies in marginalized labor: {{blockquote|text=The big change in the last few years has been the entry of more marginal and precarious labor into the political fray, increasingly on the side of the extremist far right. These are the workers from small towns and cities, or from the fringes of the large cities: places where liberal prosperity never really reached. Unions here are virtually non-existent. Workers have few prospects for stable employment, [...] struggling to find some security. To this group PiS has appealed via nationalism. Instead of giving up home and family to be treated as second-class citizens in Manchester or Dublin, PiS promises, together we can build a strong Poland where you can stay home and thrive. For this group, nationalism is not just identity with a swagger, but a concrete economic appeal: We will build industry at home, we will renovate the places liberalism bypassed, and we will not allow Poles to be treated as neocolonial subjects. By regularly charging that previous governments turned Poland into a subordinate colony doing the hard labor for Western exploiters, PiS often sounds like old-school Latin American dependency theorists.}} ==Ideology== [[File:Key_tenets_and_discursive_shifts_in_PC-PiS_Ideology_over_Time.png|upright 1.45|thumb|right|Ideological evolution of PiS according to political scientists Michał Krzyżanowski and Natalia Krzyżanowska, starting from its 1990s predecessor, the [[Centre Agreement]]{{cite journal |last1=Krzyżanowski |first1=Michał |first2=Natalia |last2=Krzyżanowska |year=2026 |title=‘We Put Family at the Centre of Social Life’: Conceptual Flipsiding of the ‘Family’ in Discursive-Political Strategies of the Polish Populist Far-Right |journal=Social Semiotics |volume=36 |issue=1 |doi=10.1080/10350330.2025.2601614 |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10350330.2025.2601614 |publisher=[[Taylor & Francis]] |page=103|doi-access=free }}]] {{Conservatism in Poland|Parties}} The party is commonly placed on the [[Right-wing politics|right wing]] of the political spectrum.{{bulleted list|{{cite book|author=Michael Minkenberg|chapter=Between Tradition and Transition: the Central European Radical Right and the New European Order|editor=Christina Schori Liang|title=Europe for the Europeans: The Foreign and Security Policy of the Populist Radical Right|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7I_pDb1O2EQC&pg=PA261|year=2013|publisher=Ashgate Publishing, Ltd.|isbn=978-1-4094-9825-4|page=261}}|{{cite book|author=Lenka Bustikova|chapter=The Radical Right in Eastern Europe|editor=Jens Rydgren|title=The Oxford Handbook of the Radical Right|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XD9FDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA574|year=2018|publisher=Oxford University Press|isbn=978-0-19-027455-9|page=574}}|{{cite book|author=Aleks Szczerbiak|title=Poland Within the European Union: New Awkward Partner Or New Heart of Europe?|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=FW5RbXxRMj4C&pg=PA1|year=2012|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-0-415-38073-7|page=1}}}} Many observers have also classified it as a [[Far-right politics|far-right]] party,{{bulleted list|{{cite book |title=The Routledge Handbook of Far-Right Extremism in Europe |year=2023 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UMnOEAAAQBAJ&dq=Europe+is+now+seeing+conservative+parties+that+have+transformed+into+far-right+parties&pg=PA1997 |editor=Mark Littler |isbn=9781000897036 |publisher=Taylor & Francis |quote=In addition to parties that have grown out of other older far-right party traditions, Europe is now seeing conservative parties that have transformed into far-right parties, such as the Alliance of Young Democrats (FIDESZ) in Hungary and Law and Justice (PiS) in Poland. |first1=Katherine |last1=Kondor |page=1997 |doi=10.4324/9781003256892-1}}|{{cite book |title=The Routledge Handbook of Political Parties |year=2023 |isbn=9780429554414 |publisher=Taylor & Francis |page=126 |quote=This has marked a reversal of the cordon sanitaire (see later), suggesting that far right parties are now being treated as legitimate actors both by their voters and by their political competitors. Examples are the Italian Lega, the Danish People’s Party (DF), the Latvian National Alliance (NA), the Estonian Conservative People’s Party of Estonia (EKRE), the Austrian FPÖ, the Finns Party (PS), the Polish Law and Justice (PiS), the Hungarian Fidesz and the Greek Popular Orthodox Rally (LAOS). |doi=10.4324/9780429263859 |chapter=The Far Right |first1=Daphne |last1=Halikiopoulou |editor1=Neil Carter |editor2=Daniel Keith |editor3=Gyda M. Sindre |editor4=Sofia Vasilopoulou}}|{{cite journal |last1=Krzyżanowski |first1=Michał |first2=Natalia |last2=Krzyżanowska |year=2026 |title=‘We Put Family at the Centre of Social Life’: Conceptual Flipsiding of the ‘Family’ in Discursive-Political Strategies of the Polish Populist Far-Right |journal=Social Semiotics |volume=36 |issue=1 |doi=10.1080/10350330.2025.2601614 |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10350330.2025.2601614 |publisher=[[Taylor & Francis]] |quote= Though “family” as a concept has been used widely in political and public discourse in Europe in recent years (for our own related analyses of “family” in the far-right discourse in other countries, see, e.g. Krzyżanowski and Krzyżanowska 2024; Krzyżanowski, Krzyżanowska, and Colombo forthcoming), below, we put particular analytical spotlight on Poland and specifically on the discourse of its key far-right party “Law and Justice””(PiS).|doi-access=free}}}} while others placed it on the [[centre-right politics|centre-right]] of the political spectrum.{{bulleted list|{{cite web |website=[[Vox (website)|Vox]] |url=https://www.vox.com/today-explained-newsletter/480339/poland-democracy-resilience |title=Can you fix a broken democracy without breaking it more? |first=Caitlin |last=Dewey |date=25 February 2026 |author-link=Caitlin Dewey |quote=Jarosław Kaczyński, the president’s twin brother and co-founder of Poland’s center-right Law and Justice party, embraced the conspiracy theory and began alleging that the ruling liberal party was complicit in his brother’s death.}}|{{cite journal |last1=Roos |first1=Christof |last2=Nagel |first2=Max |last3=Kieschnick |first3=Hanna |last4=Cherniak |first4=Kseniia |year=2025 |title=The Emigration Conundrum: EU Countries of Origin of Migrants Between Integration and Demarcation |journal=JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies |volume=63 |issue=1 |doi=10.1111/jcms.13637 |publisher=[[Wiley Online Library]] |url=https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/jcms.13637 |page=165 |quote=The centre-right Law and Justiceparty (PiS) adopted a populist agenda and established a new national and social interventionist party variant.|hdl=10419/313804 |hdl-access=free }}|{{cite journal |doi=10.33402/up.2025-19-09 |first1=Liubomyr |last1=Khakhula |first2=Yurii |last2=Markevych |url=https://ukr-inst.lviv.ua/index.php/ukraina-polshcha/article/view/326 |title=Conservatism as a national security strategy: political processes in the Republic of Poland in 2019-2023 |date=12 November 2025 |issue=19 |journal=Ukraine–Poland: Historical Heritage and Public Consciousness |issn=2223-120X |page=141 |quote=With a record high voter turnout (73%), the right-centrist party PiS achieved a factual victory.|doi-access=free }}|{{cite journal |title=Poland and the Defence of Europe Against Russia |first=Maxime |last=Philaire |year=2025 |publisher=Network for Strategic Analysis (RAS/NSA) |journal=RAS/NSA Policy Reports |issue=30 |location=[[Kingston, Ontario]] |page=2 |quote=The parliamentary elections gave an absolute majority to his Law and Justice party (PiS), a party positioned on the centre-right of the Polish political spectrum, which remained in power until 2023.}}|{{cite journal |title=The Emigration Conundrum: EU Countries of Origin of Migrants Between Integration and Demarcation |first1=Christof |last1=Roos |first2=Marx |last2=Nagel |first3=Hanna |last3=Kieschnick |first4=Kseniia |last4=Cherniak |journal=[[Journal of Common Market Studies]] |volume=63 |issue=1 |doi=10.1111/jcms.13637 |year=2024 |publisher=[[Wiley (publisher)|Wiley]] |page=165 |quote=The centre-right Law and Justice party (PiS) adopted a populist agenda and established a new national and social interventionist party variant.|doi-access=free |hdl=10419/313804 |hdl-access=free }}|{{cite journal |issn=2674-8126 |doi=10.22409/GEOgraphia2025.v27i58.a66949 |volume=27 |issue=58 |year=2025 |journal=GEOgraphia |publisher= Universidade Federal Fluminense |location=Niterói |title=Spatial Inequalities and Electoral Preferences in Central Europe |first1=Jerzy |last1=Bański |first2=Mariusz |last2=Kowalski |first3=Josef |last3=Bernard |first4=Tomáš |last4=Kostelecký |first5=Larissa |last5=Deppisch |first6=Andreas |last6=Klärner |url=https://literatur.thuenen.de/digbib_extern/dn069620.pdf |quote=PiS - Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice Party) - Centre-right |page=17}}|{{cite web |url=https://tvpworld.com/77852344/polish-parties-running-in-the-european-parliamentary-elections |title=Polish parties running in the European parliamentary elections - the essentials |date=1 June 2024 |website=[[Telewizja Polska]] |quote=It is a party of right-to-center-right conservatives but its social policies also include welfare transfers, prompting accusations of populism.}}|{{cite journal |last=Bernard |first=Josef |year=2025 |title=Left-behind regions in Poland, Germany, Czechia: Classification and electoral implications |journal=Thünen Working Paper |issue=261 |publisher=Johann Heinrich von Thünen-Institut |location=Braunschweig |doi=10.3220/WP1739355127000 |url=https://www.econstor.eu/bitstream/10419/312565/1/1918593469.pdf |page=62 |quote=PiS - Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice Party) - Centre-right}}|{{cite web |url=https://www.trtpolski.com/article/f3e407d2f3c7/amp |website=[[TRT World|TRT Polski]] |title=Wyborcy PiS na czele zwolenników Polexitu – wyniki sondażu |language=pl |trans-title=PiS voters lead amongst Polexit supporters – poll results |date=23 December 2025 |quote=Coraz częściej poglądy te pojawiają się wśród wyborców ugrupowań centroprawicowych, przede wszystkim Prawa i Sprawiedliwości. |trans-quote=These views are increasingly common among voters of centre-right parties, particularly Law and Justice.}}}} The party's economic ideology has been described as left-wing,{{refn|}} or left-leaning.{{refn|}} It has also been described as left-authoritarian,{{refn|{{cite journal |title=Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW): Left-Wing Authoritarian—and Populist? An Empirical Analysis |first=Jan Philipp |last=Thomeczek |year=2024 |journal=Politische Vierteljahresschrift |volume=65 |issue=1 |page=552 |publisher=Springer |doi=10.1007/s11615-024-00544-z |quote="According to the Chapel Hill Expert Survey (Bakker et al. 2019), there are several parties with a similar left-authoritarian profile in Europe. Examples are the Social Democratic Party in Romania (PSD), the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP), and far-left parties such as the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) and the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM). Furthermore, a similar profile is found in the Law and Justice Party (PiS) in Poland (Hillen and Steiner 2020, p. 344), which led the government for almost 20 years."|hdl=10419/315570 |hdl-access=free }}}} as it represents "left-wing positions on economic policy combined with authoritarian, conservative and nationalist positions on cultural policy issues".{{cite journal |journal=European Journal of Political Research |year=2019 |title=The consequences of supply gaps in two-dimensional policy spaces for voter turnout and political support: The case of economically left-wing and culturally right-wing citizens in Western Europe |doi=10.1111/1475-6765.12348 |first1=Sven |last1=Hillen |first2=Nils D. |last2=Steiner |volume=59 |issue=2 |publisher=European Consortium for Political Research |quote="By ‘left-authoritarians’, we refer to individuals with left-wing positions on economic policy combined with authoritarian, conservative and nationalist positions on cultural policy issues [...] there are many left-authoritarian parties in Eastern Europe, including major ones like the Polish PiS." |page=14}} It combines conservative, egalitarian and populist elements in its ideology.{{cite thesis |url=https://rep.up.krakow.pl/xmlui/handle/11716/11656?locale-attribute=en |language=pl |title=Przemiany ustrojowe a funkcjonowanie sił zbrojnych Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w systemie bezpieczeństwa państwa w latach 1989-2004 |first=Marceli |last=Herman |location=Kraków |year=2022 |publisher=Uniwersytet Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie |journal=Wydział Nauk Społecznych Instytut Nauk o Polityce i Administracji |page=196}} It is considered to combine policies from the right and left.{{cite report |title=A Primer on Poland |date=August 2023 |edition=2nd |location=Warszawa |author1=Józef Bartosz |author2=Kastor Kużelewski |editor1=Annabelle Chapman |editor2=Marta Tycner |series=Research |publisher=POLITYKA INSIGHT |url=https://zasoby.politykainsight.pl/pi2/pdf/Polityka_Insight_-_A%20Primer_on_Poland_-_August_2023.pdf |page=9}} On [[foreign policy]], PiS is [[Atlanticist]] and less supportive of [[European integration]] than Civic Platform. The party is [[Soft euroscepticism|Soft Eurosceptic]]Myant et al. (2008), p. 88{{cite book |title=Opposing Europe? |last=Szczerbiak |first=Aleks |author2=Taggart, Paul A. |year=2008 |publisher=Oxford University Press |location=Oxford |isbn=978-0-19-925830-7 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=BruGwnDp0YsC |page=224 }} and opposes a [[federal Europe]], especially the [[Euro]] currency. In its campaigns, it argues that the [[European Union]] should "benefit Poland and not the other way around".Maier et al. (2006), p. 374 It is a member of the anti-federalist [[European Conservatives and Reformists Party]], having previously been a part of the [[Alliance for Europe of the Nations]] and, before that, the [[European People's Party]].Jungerstam-Mulders (2006), p. 100 Although it has some elements of [[Christian democracy]], it is not a Christian democratic party.{{cite web|url=https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/214927094.pdf|title=Chrześcijańska demokracja w Polsce|last=Sozańska|first=Dominika|publisher=Krakow Academy|website=core.ac.uk|language=Polish}} ===Early ideology=== The ideological roots of Law and Justice go back to the late 1980s to a Christian-democratic and nationalist wing of the Solidarity movement. The party derives from a dissident faction of Solidarity which felt alienated from the economically liberal policies of the post-communist Polish establishment. This faction was centered around Jarosław Kaczyński as well as President Lech Wałęsa, and was powerful, albeit briefly, in the early 1990s when the capitalist transition was in its early stages. However, it suddenly lost all influence when Kaczyński's party, Centre Agreement, failed to reach the newly established 5% electoral threshold in the [[1993 Polish parliamentary election]]. This led the political movement that would later form PiS to spend the rest of the 1990s with only marginal political influence. It slowly started to re-establish itself in the late 1990s, as this period marked the strongest and most persistent wave of public dissatisfaction with economic liberalism and corruption.{{cite book |title=Democratic Systems and Populist Challenges in Europe |department=Work Package 5 – Deliverable 4 |url=https://reconnect-europe.eu/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/D5.4_update.pdf |year=2021 |first1=Ben |last1=Crum |first2=Alvaro |last2=Oleart |publisher=Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam |pages=46–47}} For the first years after its foundation, Law and Justice was characterized as a moderate, [[Single-issue politics|single-issue]] party narrowly focused on the issue of '[[Law and order (politics)|law and order]]', appealing to voters concerned about corruption and high crime rates.{{cite journal |title=Which conservatism? The identity of the Polish Law and Justice party |first1=Adam |last1=Folvarčný |first2=Lubomír |last2=Kopeček |journal=Politics in Central Europe |issn=1801-3422 |volume=16 |issue=1 |doi=10.2478/pce-2020-0008 |year=2020 |page=180}} In its 2002 assessment of Poland, the [[Immigration and Nationality Directorate]] led by the UK government described Law and Justice as "basically a law and order party".{{cite web |title=Poland: Country Assessment |date=April 2002 |author=[[Immigration and Nationality Directorate]] |publisher=United Kingdom: Home Office |page=7 |url=https://www.refworld.org/reference/countryrep/ukho/2002/en/59899}} In 2003, German political scientist [[:de:Nikolaus Werz|Nikolaus Werz]] classified Law and Justice as a centrist, law-and-order party that "advocates a strong state, the fight against corruption and the tightening of criminal law". Werz contrasted the moderation of PiS with the radicalism of [[League of Polish Families]], which he described as a nationalist and 'Catholic-fundamentalist' party.{{cite book |title=Populismus: Populisten in Übersee und Europa |date=30 April 2003 |isbn=978-3-663-11110-8 |author=Nikolaus Werz |author-link=:de:Nikolaus Werz |publisher=VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften Wiesbaden |edition=1 |series=Analysen |volume=79 |pages=165–166}} In 2003, political scientists Wojciech Sokół and Marek Żmigrodzki classified PiS as [[Christian democratic]].{{cite journal |title=Election preferences of the inhabitants of West Pomerania in local elections in the Third Republic of Poland |first=Piotr |last=Chrobak |doi=10.14746/pp.2021.26.4.4 |journal=Przegląd Politologiczny |year=2021 |volume=4 |issue=4 |url=https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2083319 |page=64 |quote="According to the criterion of the main ideological currents, SLD and UP were defined as social-democratic or social-liberal parties, PO RP as liberal or social-liberal, and PiS as Christian democracy."|hdl=10593/26649 |hdl-access=free }} Initially, the party was broadly pro-market, although less so than the [[Civic Platform]].{{cite book |title=Europe Today: a Twenty-first Century Introduction |last=Tiersky |first=Ronald |author2=Jones, Erik |year=2007 |publisher=Rowman & Littlefield |location=Lanham |isbn=978-0-7425-5501-3 |url=https://archive.org/details/europetodaytwent00tier |url-access=registration |page=[https://archive.org/details/europetodaytwent00tier/page/392 392] }} It had adopted the [[social market economy]] rhetoric similar to that of western European [[Christian democratic]] parties. In the [[2005 Polish parliamentary election|2005 election]], the party shifted to the [[protectionism|protectionist]] left on economics. As prime minister, [[Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz]] was more [[economic liberalism|economically liberal]] than the Kaczyńskis, advocating a position closer to Civic Platform.Myant et al. (2008), pp. 67–68 According to Michał Krzyżanowski and Natalia Krzyżanowska, the 2000s PiS was "right-centrist and Christian-democratic", and described its core tenets as political Catholicism, strong conservatism, anti-liberalism, nationalism, Euroscepticism, and socio-economic welfare protectionism.{{cite journal |last1=Krzyżanowski |first1=Michał |first2=Natalia |last2=Krzyżanowska |year=2026 |title=‘We Put Family at the Centre of Social Life’: Conceptual Flipsiding of the ‘Family’ in Discursive-Political Strategies of the Polish Populist Far-Right |journal=Social Semiotics |volume=36 |issue=1 |doi=10.1080/10350330.2025.2601614 |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10350330.2025.2601614 |publisher=[[Taylor & Francis]] |pages=102-103|doi-access=free }} ===Shift towards modern program=== In 2005, Law and Justice made Civic Platform its main ideological opponent despite their previous closeness - Law and Justice posed a difference between Civic Platform's "liberal Poland" and its "social Poland". The former was marked by economic liberalism, austerity, deregulation and "serving the rich". In contrast, Law and Justice stressed its "social" character, pledging policies that would help the poor. The party attacked Civic Platform's flat tax proposal and advocated a much more active role of the state in the economy. Law and Justice also made "an offer to the left", stressing its economically left-wing policies.{{cite journal |journal=Electoral Studies |volume=26 |year=2007 |title=The 2005 parliamentary and presidential elections in Poland |first=Frances |last=Millard |publisher=University of Essex |location=Colchester |page=213|doi=10.1016/j.electstud.2006.03.001 }} The party's pivot towards the economic left led the leader of far-left Samoobrona, Andrzej Lepper, to endorse Lech Kaczyński in the [[2005 Polish presidential election]], arguing that left-wing voters must vote against the neoliberalism of Civic Platform; Lepper also justified his decision on the basis of Kaczyński's declarations in support of funding social welfare, fighting unemployment and taking a tougher stance towards the European Union.{{cite web |url=https://www.lewica.pl/index.php?id=3548&tytul=SLD-nie-popar%B3-nikogo,-Samoobrona-za-Kaczy%F1skim |title=SLD nie poparł nikogo, Samoobrona za Kaczyńskim |date=18 October 2005 |language=pl |website=lewica.pl |first=Grzegorz |last=Ilnicki}} Law and Justice had undergone a radical ideological change, abandoning its centrist position towards an increasingly populist and nationalist political orientation. This change was also marked by a pivot on the party's position towards the European Union - initially strongly supportive of European integration, PiS became a Eurosceptic party that criticized the EU from nationalist, protectionist, and anti-neoliberal perspectives.{{cite journal |last=Lewis |first=Paul G. |year=2010 |title=Poland: domestic discord makes for a problematic partner |journal=In: Carbone, Maurizio ed. National Politics and European Integration: From the Constitution to the Lisbon Treaty. |location=Cheltenham |publisher=Edward Elgar |pages=108–125 |url=https://oro.open.ac.uk/21964/2/lisbon.pdf}} Law and Justice then started radicalizing and broadening its program following its victory in the [[2005 Polish parliamentary election]]. In 2006, [[Chicago Tribune]] wrote that "President Kaczynski's Law and Justice Party ran on a populist reform platform but veered sharply to the right after its victory". The same year, Polish journalist {{ill|Krzysztof Bobiński|pl}} wrote: "When they started out, the Kaczynski brothers were fairly mainstream ... but now they've gotten into bed with the League of Polish Families and Samoobrona. They are moving to the right, and it's a pretty intolerant right."{{cite web |title=Poland digs in against tide toward secularism |url=https://www.chicagotribune.com/2006/05/23/poland-digs-in-against-tide-toward-secularism/ |date=23 May 2006 |publisher=[[Chicago Tribune]]}} According to Polish political scientists Krzysztof Kowalczyk and Jerzy Sielski, Law and Justice had moved from a single-issue party in 2001 to a staunchly and broadly conservative one by 2006. They noted that by 2006 the party started calling for a "conservative revolution" that would restore traditional values to Poland, and gradually adopted right-wing populist rhetoric characterized by a "somewhat leftist" economical policy to undercut the appeal of far-right anti-capitalist [[League of Polish Families]] (LPR), [[agrarian socialism|agrarian socialist]] [[Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland]] (Samoobrona) and the agrarian [[Polish People's Party]] (PSL).{{cite book |title=Partie i ugrupowania parlamentarne III Rzeczypospolitej |isbn=978-83-89706-84-3 |author1=Krzysztof Kowalczyk |author2=Jerzy Sielski |year=2006 |publisher=Dom Wydawniczy DUET |pages=229–230 |language=pl}} The populist pivot of PiS is credited with causing the electoral blowout of Samoobrona and LPR in the [[2007 Polish parliamentary election]].{{cite book |title=Discourse, Hegemony, and Populism in the Visegrád Four |author=Seongcheol Kim |series=Routledge Studies in Extremism and Democracy |publisher=Routledge |year=2022 |isbn=978-1-003-18600-7 |pages=213–214}} In 2015, the party was said to have shifted further left economically, adopting "a more social and less patriotic/conservative" program.{{cite journal |issn=2674-8126 |doi=10.22409/GEOgraphia2025.v27i58.a66949 |volume=27 |issue=58 |year=2025 |journal=GEOgraphia |publisher= Universidade Federal Fluminense |location=Niterói |title=Spatial Inequalities and Electoral Preferences in Central Europe |first1=Jerzy |last1=Bański |first2=Mariusz |last2=Kowalski |first3=Josef |last3=Bernard |first4=Tomáš |last4=Kostelecký |first5=Larissa |last5=Deppisch |first6=Andreas |last6=Klärner |url=https://literatur.thuenen.de/digbib_extern/dn069620.pdf |page=8}} In 2024, Marko Zilovic of the [[George Washington University]] argued that by 2019, PiS and Hungarian [[Fidesz]] have been "rarely thought of as belonging to the mainstream right anymore" because "The combination of left-leaning economic policies and strong cultural conservativism separates them from most other mainstream right parties and puts them in the proximity of the left-conservative parties".{{cite thesis |quote=Searching for Fidesz and PiS in the 2002 figure, both parties appear centrist on the economy and culturally conservative, but they are clearly at a distance from the left-wing and the radical right parties and surrounded by other mainstream right parties. […] But searching for the two parties in the 2019 figure, it becomes immediately apparent why they are rarely thought of as belonging to the mainstream right anymore. The combination of left-leaning economic policies and strong cultural conservativism separates them from most other mainstream right parties and puts them in the proximity of the left-conservative parties such as the Romanian PSD, Slovakian SMER, and the Czech KSCM. |page=41-42 |title=Three Essays on the Mainstream Right in Post-Communist Central and Southeast Europe |first=Marko |last=Zilovic |date=5 January 2024 |editor=Kimberly J. Morgan |degree=Doctor of Philosophy |publisher=[[George Washington University]] |url=https://scholarspace.library.gwu.edu/concern/gw_etds/1z40kt653}} In 2025, the German political scientists Sarah Wagner and L. Constantin Wurthmann classified PiS as a left-conservative party, comparing it to the German [[Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance]]. ==Party factions== The party has two factions that are engaged in power struggle for the dominance in the party — the ''Scouts'' ({{langx|pl|Harcerze}}), and the ''Butter-Makers'' ({{langx|pl|Maślarze}}).{{cite web |url=https://tvpworld.com/90691702/poland-right-wing-civil-war-risks-its-return-to-power-in-2027 |website=[[TVP World]] |title=Why ideological division in Poland’s right threaten its path to power in 2027 [ANALYSIS] |first=Stuart |last=Dowell |editor=Julian Kossoff |date=22 December 2025}} The Scouts represent the political environment of former Prime Minister [[Mateusz Morawiecki]], and the name refers to the fact that many members of the faction were in the [[Scouting Association of the Republic (Poland)|Scouting Association of the Republic]] in their youth. The Butter-Makers do not have a single leader. The faction's name was coined by one of the Scouts, PiS MEP [[Waldemar Buda]], and refers to a social media post by Bocheński in which he expressed outrage about being offered German butter on a [[LOT Polish Airlines]] flight; under popular pressure, LOT published an explanation stating that it supports Polish producers, but uses the catering services of destination airports for logistical reasons, which in Bocheński's case was Frankfurt.{{cite web |url=https://tvn24.pl/polska/prawo-i-sprawiedliwosc-harcerze-kontra-maslarze-wojna-frakcji-st8865238 |website=[[TVN24]] |language=pl |date=26 January 2026 |title=Harcerze kontra maślarze. O co chodzi w wojnie w PiS |first1=Patryk |last1=Michalski |first2=Dariusz |last2=Kubik}} The Scouts are described as [[centre-right]] and [[technocratic]]. They believe that PiS must focus on investing in infrastructure, energy, and economic growth, and de-emphasize "[[culture wars]]". The Scouts are strongly critical of [[Hard Eurosceptic]] elements in PiS, warning against "the [[Polexit]] tone" and expressing the belief that the supporters of radical party members such as [[Zbigniew Ziobro]] cannot be trusted to govern responsibly. They are critical of Jarosław Kaczyński, and hope to take over the party once Kaczyński steps down. Their plan is to consolidate PiS into a centre-right, [[Moderate conservatism|moderately conservative]] party.{{cite web |url=https://www.polityka.pl/tygodnikpolityka/kraj/2333977,1,wojna-w-pis-eskaluje-kaczynski-uderzyl-w-morawieckiego-i-jego-harcerzy-to-sie-juz-nie-poskleja.read |website=[[Polityka]] |first=Michał |last=Danielewski |date=27 February 2026 |title=Wojna w PiS eskaluje: Kaczyński uderzył w Morawieckiego i jego harcerzy. To się już nie poskleja}} The members of this faction include [[Piotr Müller]], Waldemar Buda, [[Olga Semeniuk-Patkowska]], [[Krzysztof Szczucki]], [[Anna Gembicka]], [[Michał Dworczyk]], [[Paweł Jabłoński]], [[Marcin Horała]] and [[Janusz Cieszyński]]. The Butter-Makers postulate a sharp turn to the right. They want to distance Poland from the EU and only align with it for Polish self-interest; they are also strongly critical of COVID restrictions introduced under Morawiecki, believing that they were excessive. They are described as "aggressive culture-war figures" and include people such as [[Przemysław Czarnek]], known for his crusade against "leftist ideology" in Polish schools. The Butter-Makers want PiS to turn to the right sharply enough to attract the voters of the [[Confederation of the Polish Crown]], and others who became disillusioned with Law and Justice and drifted towards far-right movements. They have been described as hardline and nationalist.{{cite web |url=https://tvpworld.com/91998368/kaczynski-picks-czarnek-as-pm-candidate-in-poland-gamble |website=[[TVP World]] |title=How Polish opposition’s gamble on hardliner could hand PM a gift [Analysis] |first=Stuart |last=Dowell |date=9 March 2026}} Key representatives of this faction are [[Patryk Jaki]], Przemysław Czarnek, [[Jacek Sasin]], and [[Tobiasz Bocheński]].{{cite web |url=https://wydarzenia.interia.pl/kraj/news-nowe-stowarzyszenie-bylego-ministra-nie-wyklucza-wspolpracy,nId,23323335 |language=pl |website=[[Interia]] |title=Nowe stowarzyszenie byłego ministra. Nie wyklucza współpracy z Morawieckim |first=Aleksandra |last=Czurczak |date=4 April 2026}} There are also two factions that are now considered historical — the ''Monks'' ({{langx|pl|Zakoniarze}}), and the ''Ziobrists'' ({{langx|pl|Ziobryści}}). The Monks were the "old guard" of the party and were also known as the "Order of the Centre Agreement", as it referred to the closest environment of Jarosław Kaczyński and consisted of people who were members of the [[Centre Agreement]], a 1990s party led by Kaczyński brothers that preceded PiS. People who used to be the members of this faction, such as [[Mariusz Błaszczak]], are considered to have been absorded by the Butter-Makers. Ziobryści were, in turn, supporters of the former Minister of Justice and Prosecutor General Zbigniew Ziobro, and included the members of his party [[Sovereign Poland]]. Members of this faction included [[Jacek Ozdoba]], [[Sebastian Kaleta]], and Patryk Jaki. They have since become a part of the Butter-Makers instead.{{cite web |title=Maślarze, harcerze, zakoniarze. Kto jest kim w PiS |date=10 December 2025 |language=pl |url=https://tvn24.pl/polska/maslarze-harcerze-ziobrysci-i-zakoniarze-czyli-wszystkie-frakcje-w-pis-ie-st8794536 |website=[[TVN24]]}} ===Political associations=== In June 2026, the party's divide between the Scouts and Butter-Makers has been formalized as two political associations within Law and Justice emerged — ''Rozwój Plus'' led by Morawiecki, and ''Po Pierwsze Polska'' led by Sasin. ''Rozwój Plus'' represents the political environment of the Scouts, while ''Po Pierwsze Polska'' represents the Butter-Makers.{{cite web |url=https://wiadomosci.wp.pl/sasin-prezesem-nowego-stowarzyszenia-tak-je-komentuja-7295263968180672a |website=[[Wirtualna Polska]] |language=pl |title=Sasin prezesem nowego stowarzyszenia. Tak je komentują |date=10 June 2026 |first=Aleksandra |last=Wieczorek}} On 15 April, Morawiecki created ''Rozwój Plus'', with the stated goal of seeking dialogue and broad agreement with other political movements, supporting Polish socioeconomic development, and creating a patriotic camp beyond party lines.{{cite web |url=https://wiadomosci.wp.pl/wp-morawiecki-powolal-stowarzyszenie-rozwoj-plus-wiceprezes-pis-potwierdza-7275621388786016a |language=pl |website=[[Wirtualna Polska]] |title=WP: Morawiecki powołał Stowarzyszenie Rozwój Plus. Wiceprezes PiS potwierdza |first=Michał |last=Wróblewski |date=15 April 2026}} Kaczyński was initially hostile towards the association, and accused Morawiecki of breaking away from the party. However, on 20 April, Kaczyński declared that he accepted the existence of ''Rozwój Polska'' on condition that it functions only within Law and Justice; he also announced a creation of an Expert Council for the party of which ''Rozwój Polska'' members would become a part of.{{cite web |url=https://www.pap.pl/aktualnosci/mateusz-morawiecki-stowarzyszenie-rozwoj-plus-zostalo-zarejestrowane |website=[[Polish Press Agency]] |language=pl |title=Morawiecki zarejestrował stowarzyszenie. „Nie dam się wypchnąć z partii” |date=14 May 2026}} On 9 June, Sasin founded ''Po Pierwsze Polska'', a political association within PiS, with preserving party unity and supporting the candidacy of Przemysław Czarnek as its stated goals. Its creation is considered a response to Morawiecki's own move. Morawiecki's ''Rozwój Plus'' consists of over 40 PiS MPs, while ''Po Pierwsze Polska'' has about 100 to 110 PiS MPs as its members.{{cite web |url=https://wydarzenia.interia.pl/kraj/news-dwa-stowarzyszenia-w-pis-przepisem-na-kryzys-co-tu-kryc,nId,23494980 |website=[[Interia]] |language=pl |title=Dwa stowarzyszenia w PiS przepisem na kryzys. "Co tu kryć" |first=Łukasz |last=Szpyrka |date=11 June 2026}} ==Platform== ===Economy=== [[File:Two-dimensional_political_spectrum_of_Polish_parties.png|upright 1.4|thumb|right|Political alignment of Polish parties by political scientists Seongcheol Kim and Endre Borbáth. Law and Justice is coded as PiS, and occupies a socioeconomically left-wing and socioculturally conservative position. Its 2000s coalition partners [[Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland|SRP]] and [[League of Polish Families|LPR]] are shown as very similar ideologically to PiS.{{cite journal |last1=Kim |first1=Seongcheol |first2=Endre |last2=Borbáth |title=A Typology of Postcommunist Successor Parties in Central and Eastern Europe and an Explanatory Framework for Their (Non-)Success |journal=East Central Europe |volume=49 |issue=2–3 |year=2022 |page=306 |doi=10.30965/18763308-49020007 |publisher=Brill Publishers}}]] [[File:Beata Szydło (1).jpg|thumb|Beata Szydło during the National Independence Day]] [[File:Polish_Parliamentary_Party_Positions_(2010_&_2019).png|upright 1.65|thumb|right|Political alignment of Polish parties in 2010 and 2019 by Alexandra A. Żubrowicz. PiS is shown to have maintained itself as the main economically left, socially conservative, and anti-EU party in Polish politics.{{cite thesis |title=Is the Grass Always Greener? The Polish Farmers’ Fight Between Politics and Sustainability in CAP: A Case Study Linking European Partisanship and CAP Eco-scheme Subsidy Uptake |first=Alexandra A. |last=Żubrowicz |url=https://gupea.ub.gu.se/handle/2077/89129 |degree=European Studies |year=2025 |editor=Olof Larsson |publisher=[[University of Gothenburg]] |page=18}}]] The party supports a state-guaranteed minimum [[social safety net]] and extensive state intervention in the economy, and argues that a "more socially sensitive and less market-dominated" economic system is necessary. It advocates progressive taxation that would redistribute the wealth from the wealthy to the poor, and it supports a large-scale social housing program. The party promised and implemented tax and welfare benefits to married couples and family. It also adheres to the principles of [[economic nationalism]], postulating state control over key sectors of the economy.{{cite journal |title=Pariahs or Partners? Patterns of Government Formation with Radical Right Parties in Central and Eastern Europe, 1990-2020 |year=2023 |location=Bielefeld |publisher=Verlag |first=Oliver |last=Kossack |doi=10.14361/9783839467152 |volume=153 |journal=Reihe Edition Politik |series=Edition Politik |page=132 |isbn=978-3-8376-6715-8 |quote="In socio-economic terms, PiS positioned itself on the left. The party advocated progressive taxation, a large-scale social housing programme, and it promised tax and welfare benefits to married couples and (traditional) families. The party generally favoured a private economy, but it also wanted to keep key sectors under state control (Millard 2010, 131–33)."|doi-access=free }} It seeks to increase healthcare spending to 6% of the Polish GDP, and nationalize hospital debts.{{cite book |title=Partie i ugrupowania parlamentarne III Rzeczypospolitej |isbn=978-83-89706-84-3 |author1=Krzysztof Kowalczyk |author2=Jerzy Sielski |year=2006 |publisher=Dom Wydawniczy DUET |page=222 |location=Toruń |language=pl}} During the 2015 election campaign, it proposed tax rebates related to the number of children in a family, as well as a reduction of the [[VAT]] rate (while keeping a variation between individual types of VAT rates). In 2019, the lowest personal income tax threshold was decreased from 18% to 17%.{{Cite web|title=Favourable tax changes included in the Polish Deal – the Prime Minister took part in a videoconference with entrepreneurs - The Chancellery of the Prime Minister - Gov.pl website|url=https://www.gov.pl/web/primeminister/favourable-tax-changes-included-in-the-polish-deal--the-prime-minister-took-part-in-a-videoconference-with-entrepreneurs|access-date=2021-11-10|website=The Chancellery of the Prime Minister|language=en-GB}} Its policies have been described as redistributive, and that its 2015–2023 government marked "the first time in over two decades that a government had taken steps to curb the neoliberal dismantling of social services" in Poland.{{cite journal |first=Gavin |last=Rae |url=https://www.rosalux.de/en/news/id/53487/poland-shifts-to-the-right |title=Poland Shifts to the Right |date=6 June 2025 |publisher=[[Rosa Luxemburg Foundation]] |journal=Election Analyses - Rosalux International - Eastern Europe |issn=2944-4152 |translator1=Joseph Keady |translator2=Eve Richens |quote=During its two terms in office (2005−2007 and 2015−2023), the party had combined Catholic conservatism with elements of redistributive social policy: the PiS governments introduced a new, universal childcare allowance, significantly increased the minimum wage, lowered the retirement age, and largely prohibited businesses from opening on Sundays. It was the first time in over two decades that a government had taken steps to curb the neoliberal dismantling of social services.}} Law and Justice is described as state-interventionist and anti-privatisation, opposing flat tax and favoring a [[welfare state]] based on extensively developed state-run health service. In its 2006-2007 government, it committed to expanding welfare spending and the role of the state in the economy, often at expense of foreign investors and the [[European Commission]]. It halted the construction of foreign-owned supermarkets and prevent the existing ones from opening on Sundays in an effort to prevent monopolization. In 2006, it also set up commissions to investigate and scrutinize sale of Polish banks to foreign entities after 1989, and to investigate the role of the [[National Bank of Poland|Polish Central Bank]] in privatization. In 2019, the party introduced a bill proposing a financial benefit in the form of a [[13th pension]], intended for retirees and pensioners receiving the minimum old-age pension on 1 May 2019.{{Cite web |last=Izdebska-Białka |first=Katarzyna |date=2019-03-09 |title=13. emerytura dla emerytów i rencistów. Ile dodatkowo dostaniesz w 2019 r.? |url=https://www.money.pl/emerytury/13-emerytura-dla-emerytow-i-rencistow-ile-dodatkowo-dostaniesz-w-2019-r-6357663618984065a.html |access-date=2025-06-23}} And subsequently on an annual basis starting in 2020.{{Cite web |title="Emerytura+" przyjęta przez Radę Ministrów - Ministerstwo Rodziny, Pracy i Polityki Społecznej - Portal Gov.pl |url=https://www.gov.pl/web/rodzina/emerytura-przyjeta-przez-rade-ministrow |access-date=2025-06-23 |website=Ministerstwo Rodziny, Pracy i Polityki Społecznej |language=pl-PL}} A [[14th pension]] was introduced on 21 January 2021 and is now paid out with [[13th pension]].{{cite web|access-date=2024-06-19 |date=2021-01-21 |language=pl |title=Ustawa z dnia 21 stycznia 2021 r. o kolejnym w 2021 r. dodatkowym rocznym świadczeniu pieniężnym dla emerytów i rencistów |url=https://isap.sejm.gov.pl/isap.nsf/DocDetails.xsp?id=WDU20210000432 |website=Internetowy System Aktów Prawnych}} PiS opposes cutting social welfare spending, and also proposed the introduction of a system of state-guaranteed housing loans. The party also opposes foreign ownership of crucial industries and businesses, and proposed buying back the largest convenience store chain in Poland, [[Żabka]], from its foreign owners.{{cite web |url=https://notesfrompoland.com/2022/10/13/poland-could-buy-back-biggest-convenience-store-chain-from-foreign-owners-says-kaczynski/ |title=Poland could "buy back" biggest convenience store chain from foreign owners, says Kaczyński |date=13 October 2022 |first=Daniel |last=Tilles |website=Notes from Poland}} It also supports state provided [[universal health care]].{{cite web|url=http://www.rynekzdrowia.pl/Polityka-zdrowotna/PiS-wygrywa-koniec-NFZ-system-budzetowy-i-siec-szpitali,156173,14.html|title=PiS wygrywa: koniec NFZ, system budżetowy i sieć szpitali? – Polityka zdrowotna|date=25 October 2015 |publisher=www.rynekzdrowia.pl}} PiS has been also described as [[Statism|statist]],{{refn|{{Cite web|url=https://wyborcza.pl/7,75968,26158024,modernizacje-polski-zawdzieczamy-prywatnemu-kapitalowi-etatyzm.html?disableRedirects=true|title=Wyborcza.pl|website=wyborcza.pl}}{{Cite web|url=https://www.rp.pl/Publicystyka/303029909-Petru-Muzealny-etatyzm-PiS.html|title=Petru: Muzealny etatyzm PiS|website=www.rp.pl}}{{Cite web|url=https://naszemiasto.pl/ziemkiewicz-krytykuje-pis-za-etatyzm/ar/c1-4533220|title=Ziemkiewicz krytykuje PiS za etatyzm|first=Radosław|last=Kowalski|date=20 November 2015|website=Nasze Miasto}}}} [[Protectionism|protectionist]],{{refn|{{cite web|url=http://www.sobieski.org.pl/tworzenie-szans-dla-wszystkich/|title=Program działań Prawa i Sprawiedliwości. Tworzenie szans dla wszystkich|publisher=Instytut Sobieskiego|access-date=14 February 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160221152745/http://www.sobieski.org.pl/tworzenie-szans-dla-wszystkich/|archive-date=21 February 2016|url-status=dead}}{{cite web | url=https://www.politykainsight.pl/_resource/multimedium/20078722 | title=Dossier: What PiS would change in the economy | publisher=PI Research | work=Polityka Insight | date=October 2015 | access-date=14 August 2018}}{{Cite web|url=http://blogs.reuters.com/breakingviews/2015/10/26/polands-tilt-to-nationalism-is-bad-for-investment/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151027144626/http://blogs.reuters.com/breakingviews/2015/10/26/polands-tilt-to-nationalism-is-bad-for-investment/|url-status=dead|archive-date=27 October 2015|title=Poland's tilt to nationalism is bad for investment|first=Dominic|last=Elliott|date=26 October 2015}}}} [[Christian corporatism#Solidarism|solidarist]],{{cite web|url=https://www.pb.pl/marcinkiewicz-program-pis-to-przywrocenie-solidaryzmu-takze-w-sluzbie-zdrowia-280760|title=Marcinkiewicz: Program PiS to przywrócenie solidaryzmu, także w służbie zdrowia|publisher=Plus Biznesu|website=pb.pl|date=6 October 2005}} and [[Economic interventionism|interventionist]].{{cite web|url=https://businessinsider.com.pl/wiadomosci/interwencjonizm-panstwowy-a-rzady-pis/2t2bclb?srcc=ucs|title=To łączy rządy PiS z polityką Herberta Hoovera i Franklina D. Roosevelta|date=6 December 2016|publisher=Business Insider|website=businessinsider.com.pl|language=Polish}} It also holds [[Agrarianism|agrarianist]] views.{{bulleted list|{{cite web|url=https://polskieradio24.pl/5/1222/Artykul/2290705,Antoni-Macierewicz-polska-wies-jest-w-centrum-programu-PiS |work=Polskie Radio 24 |title=Antoni Macierewicz: Wieś jest w centrum programy PiS |language=pl |trans-title=Antoni Macierewicz: Polish countryside is at the center of the PiS program |date=6 April 2019 |access-date=8 May 2019}}|{{cite web|url=https://www.polityka.pl/tygodnikpolityka/rynek/1788604,1,konwencja-rolnicza-w-kadzidle-pis-znow-stawia-na-wies.read |work=Polityka |title=Konwencja rolnicza w Kadzidle. PiS znów stawia na wieś |language=pl |trans-title=Agricultural Convention in Kadzidło. PiS again puts on the countryside |author=Joanna Solska |date=6 April 2019 |access-date=8 May 2019}}|{{cite web|url=https://www.tvp.info/42807260/pis-wygrywa-na-wsi-koalicja-europejska-w-miastach |work=TVPinfo|title=PiS wygrywa na wsi. KE w miastach|language=pl |trans-title=PiS has won in the countryside. KE in cities|author= SJ, MNIE |date=26 May 2019}}|{{cite book|author=Stijn van Kessel|title=Populist Parties in Europe: Agents of Discontent?|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=I0MTBwAAQBAJ&pg=PA145|year=2015|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan UK|isbn=978-1-137-41411-3|page=145}}|{{cite web|url=https://opinie.wp.pl/lukasz-warzecha-pis-czyli-populizm-i-socjalizm-6243286146467969a|title= PiS, Czyli Populizm i Socjalizm|language=pl |trans-title=PiS means Populism and Socialism|author= Łukasz Warzecha|date=20 April 2018|access-date=29 May 2019}}}} Given the redistributive and protectionist agenda of the party as well as its focus on welfare and nationalization, political scientists classify Law and Justice as economically left-wing.{{cite journal |title=Progressive proposals for the turbulent times: How to boost the political, organizational and electoral potential |first1=Andreas |last1=Schieder |first2=László |last2=Andor |first3=Maria |last3=Maltschnig |first4=Ania |last4=Skrzypek |isbn=978-2-930769-78-3 |publisher=Foundation for European Progressive Studies and Karl-Renner-Institut |year=2022 |journal=Next Left |volume=13 |page=56 |quote="... following the Polish Law and Justice party, favouring an economically left-wing agenda." |url=https://feps-europe.eu/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/Next-Left-Volume-13.pdf}}{{cite journal |title=Queer(in)g Poland in the 21st Century: How Was It at the Beginning of the Millennium? Introduction to This Special Issue on Queer Culture and the LGBTQ+ Movement in Poland |first1=Urszula |last1=Chowaniec |first2=Ewa |last2=Mazierska |first3=Richard |last3=Mole |date=1 June 2021 |volume=19 |journal=Central Europe |issue=1 |doi=10.1080/14790963.2021.1920131 |publisher=Taylor & Francis |quote="... Jarosław Kaczynski’s party won the parliamentary election with his party Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Peace and Justice), which was economically left-wing, but socially on the right: a mixture which has ensured its continuing political success." |page=5|doi-access=free }}{{cite journal |title=Authoritarian Populism Index |date=April 2024 |first1=Andreas Johansson |last1=Heinö |author-link1=:sv:Andreas Johansson Heinö |journal=Timbro |url=https://www.epicenternetwork.eu/publications/timbro-authoritarian-populism-index-2024/ |publisher=European Policy Information Center |quote="Over its eight years in power, PiS eroded democratic structures in Poland. Additionally, the party has articulated a clear nationalism and adopted staunchly conservative positions on various social issues such as LGBTQ rights and abortion rights. In economic policy, the party has positioned itself slightly left of center, consistently investing in welfare, social transfers, and the like." |page=247}}{{cite book |title=When Left Moves Right: The Decline of the Left and the Rise of the Populist Right in Postcommunist Europe |first=Maria |last=Snegovaya |year=2024 |isbn=978-0-19-769902-7 |doi=10.1093/oso/9780197699027.001.0001 |publisher=Oxford University Press |quote="By positioning itself as a culturally rightist but economically leftist party, PiS attracted voters who in the past may have voted for the left." |page=146}}{{cite thesis |title=Ex-Communist Party Choices and the Electoral Success of the Radical Right in Central and Eastern Europe |first=Maria |last=Snegovaya |publisher=Columbia University |year=2018 |url=https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/161515337.pdf |degree=Doctor of Philosophy |pages=1–2 |quote="Interestingly, this mixture of socialist and conservative attitudes in the electoral platforms of these parties and politicians does not fit the usual left-right divide. For example, while the Slovak National Party, Jobbik in Hungary, or Law and Justice in Poland are often referred to as “radical right” parties, their economic programs are as leftwing as those of many old left parties."}}{{cite journal |title=The Europeanisation of EU Railway Policy: Hungarian and Polish strategies for adopting the political pillar of the EU's Fourth Railway Package |first=Gergő Dávid |last=Illés |year=2022 |location=Kraków |url=https://dspace.cuni.cz/bitstream/handle/20.500.11956/177613/120424612.pdf?sequence=1 |journal=European Politics and Society |quote=PiS is economically left-wing, somewhat opposes deregulation, but strongly favours state intervention and protectionism. |page=24}} [[Stephen Park Turner]] likewise classified it as having "economically leftist policies on trade and welfare."{{cite book |title=The SAGE Handbook of Political Sociology |first1=William |last1=Outhwaite |first2=Stephen |last2=Turner |author-link2=Stephen Park Turner |quote="And this makes sense, given that many such parties (e.g. the National Front in France, the Law and Justice Party in Poland) offer platforms combining socially conservative policies on crime and immigration with economically leftist policies on trade and welfare." |page=112 |volume=1 |isbn=978-1-4739-1946-4 |publisher=SAGE Publications |year=2023}} It has also been described as economically left-leaning by the [[Centre for European Reform]],{{cite web |url=https://www.cer.eu/insights/four-questions-polish-parliamentary-elections |title=Four Questions on the Polish Parliamentary Elections |first1=Agata |last1=Gostyńska-Jakubowska |date=10 October 2019 |publisher=[[Centre for European Reform]] |quote="All polling suggests that the current governing party – the socially conservative and economically left-leaning Law and Justice (PiS) party – will remain the largest political bloc."}} [[Reuters]],{{cite web |url=https://www.reuters.com/article/world/polish-parliament-rejects-near-total-abortion-ban-after-protests-idUSKCN1260Q3/ |title=Polish parliament rejects near-total abortion ban after protests |date=6 October 2016 |first1=Paweł |last1=Sobczak |first2=Marcin |last2=Goettig |website=[[Reuters]] |quote="Since winning a parliamentary majority last October, the economically left-leaning PiS has appeared firmly in control, thanks to a mix of generous welfare payouts, promises to help poorer Poles and nationalist rhetoric laced with Catholic piety."}} and The Routledge Handbook of East European Politics.{{cite book |title=The Routledge Handbook of East European Politics |first1=Adam |last1=Fagan |first2=Petr |last2=Kopecký |page=2018 |quote="The weakening of ex-communist parties in Hungary and Poland coincided with the rise of economically left-leaning but socially conservative parties - Fidesz and Law and Justice (PiS), respectively." |year=2017 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=9780367500092 |edition=1st}} Political economist Cédric M. Koch wrote that PiS combines "political communitarianism with neo-socialist economic views".{{cite journal |title=Varieties of populism and the challenges to Global Constitutionalism: Dangers, promises and implications |first=Cédric M. |last=Koch |journal=Global Constitutionalism |volume=10 |issue=3 |year=2021 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/72C6D827F42A8E7A963D72B8B2F1E7F0/S2045381719000455a.pdf/varieties_of_populism_and_the_challenges_to_global_constitutionalism_dangers_promises_and_implications.pdf |pages=415–418|doi=10.1017/S2045381719000455 }} The economic policies of Law and Justice marked a notable departure from the economically liberal policies of other Polish governments. The party rallies against the "Republic of the Rich", highlighting the wealth inequality in Poland and the need for redistribution and welfare expansion.{{cite book |title=Faces of populism in Central and South-Eastern Europe |location=Kraków |year=2023 |isbn=978-83-233-7466-4 |doi=10.4467/K7466.155/22.23.17542 |publisher=Jagiellonian University Press |editor=Ivana Vesić |page=89}} The party's former Prime Minister [[Mateusz Morawiecki]] stated: "It turns out that the rules of capitalism are not sacred, inviolable and uniform... in the new Polish economic and social model we are demonstrating to Europe how social solidarity can be coupled with dynamic economic development. Solidarism should be that economic system."{{cite journal |url=https://pure.manchester.ac.uk/ws/portalfiles/portal/145511076/Shields_2019_CC_PL_SR4.pdf |title=The paradoxes of necessity: fail forwards neoliberalism, social reproduction, recombinant populism and Poland's 500Plus policy |doi=10.1177/0309816819880798 |first=Stuart |last=Shields |year=2019 |journal=Capital & Class |volume=43 |issue=4 |page=10}} Morawiecki also asserted that the "socialist working-class thought is deeply rooted in the philosophy of Law and Justice".{{cite web |url=https://trybun.org.pl/2019/07/22/mateusz-morawiecki-robotnicza-mysl-socjalistyczna-jest-gleboko-obecna-w-filozofii-prawa-i-sprawiedliwosci/ |date=22 July 2019 |language=pl |first=Andrzej |last=Turczyn |title=Mateusz Morawiecki: robotnicza myśl socjalistyczna jest głęboko obecna w filozofii Prawa i Sprawiedliwości}} Jarosław Kaczyński in turn argued: "The left has completely lost its social sensitivity (...), social sensitivity is here today, among other places, right where I am at this moment. And if it were to be associated with left-wing politics — because it is obviously not true that social sensitivity has ever been the monopoly of the left — then it has to be said that the left is here, not there."{{cite thesis |publisher=Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu |first=Dorota |last=Halicka |trans-title=Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej 1999–2015. Od triumfu do bytu pozaparlamentarnego |title=Democratic Left Alliance 1999–2015. From triumph to outside parliamentary existence |year=2024 |degree=PhD |url=https://repozytorium.amu.edu.pl/items/5fffb223-39d7-4140-b2c9-2af0e9aa8ea2 |page=253 |language=pl}} Political scientists Haris Dajč and Natasza Styczyńska write of a political realignment that Law and Justice embodies: {{blockquote|text=Polish voters generally orient themselves by comparing to their experience of communism and to the subsequent transition. Individuals on the political left are frequently equally positive about the transition and secularism. Those on the radical right frequently advocate breaching of the 1989 imaginary and support of an active role of the Church in public affairs. The second notable feature of the Polish voter is the alignment of the political right with the working class. There is a collective perception that the left is an elites’ project. Therefore, the political rationale is for the right to become an anti-elitist representative of the ordinary people. That can be illustrated by the alliance between the Solidarity Trade Union, the biggest labour group in the country, with the Law and Justice Party.{{cite book |title=Faces of populism in Central and South-Eastern Europe |location=Kraków |year=2023 |isbn=978-83-233-7466-4 |doi=10.4467/K7466.155/22.23.17542 |publisher=Jagiellonian University Press |editor=Ivana Vesić |page=91}}}} Writing on the economic policies of Law and Justice and their character, American political scientist {{ill|David Ost|pl}} wrote: {{blockquote|text=So, since winning power for the second time in 2015, PiS has taken real efforts to tame economic liberalism. It reversed the previous government's hiking of the retirement age, offered new drug benefits for the elderly, and has initiated a broad program for the construction of new affordable housing. It has limited employer use of insecure short-term “junk contracts,” and raised the guaranteed hourly minimum to 13 złotys (nearly $4), a significant increase upon prevailing informal standards. Its hallmark social policy has been a new child-benefit program, with a monthly payment of 500 złotys (about $140) to parents of each second and additional child under eighteen, paid for, in part, by a new surcharge tax imposed on foreign-owned banks and insurance companies. For the many hundreds of thousands of working parents earning only 2,000–2,500 złotys a month, this meant a sudden untaxed pay raise of twenty or even forty percent. Within a year, children living in extreme poverty declined by a third. Single mothers found themselves able to quit overly exploitative jobs and seek other options. [...] With such rhetoric and policies, PiS is embracing a project that really deserves the name it is impossible to apply: national socialism.}} Political scientists Michał Zabdyr-Jamróz, Olga Löblová, Alexandru D. Moise, and Iwona Kowalska-Bobko argued that PiS is ideologically "a combination of Christian conservatism in cultural policies and social-democratic welfare policies". They noted that PiS generally refrained from [[welfare chauvinism]], "making it look almost social-democratic in comparison to the chauvinism of Western European parties". Law and Justice's return to power in 2015 marked a departure from neoliberalism, and made PiS a competition not only to the nominally left [[The Left (Poland)|Lewica]], but also even more economically left-oriented groups.{{cite book |page=129 |chapter=Is the Polish ‘Law and Justice’ (PiS) a Typical Populist Radical Right Party? A Health Policy Perspective |author1=Michał Zabdyr-Jamróz |author2=Olga Löblová |author3=Alexandru D. Moise |author4=Iwona Kowalska-Bobko |editor1=Michelle Falkenbach |editor2=Scott L. Greer |title=The Populist Radical Right and Health National Policies and Global Trends |year=2021 |isbn=978-3-030-70709-5 |doi=10.1007/978-3-030-70709-5 |publisher=Springer}} Its economic approach has been described as left-wing, "neo-Weberian", and social-democratic; it focused especially on expanding healthcare access and guaranteeing free-of-charge services. The party's 2019 manifesto said:{{blockquote|text=We are convinced that escaping the middle-income trap and breaking away from the ‘dependent market economy’ is possible only through an active economic policy of the state. We do not believe that ‘the capital has no nationality’. We reject principles of neoliberalism.{{cite book |page=117 |chapter=Is the Polish ‘Law and Justice’ (PiS) a Typical Populist Radical Right Party? A Health Policy Perspective |author1=Michał Zabdyr-Jamróz |author2=Olga Löblová |author3=Alexandru D. Moise |author4=Iwona Kowalska-Bobko |editor1=Michelle Falkenbach |editor2=Scott L. Greer |title=The Populist Radical Right and Health National Policies and Global Trends |year=2021 |isbn=978-3-030-70709-5 |doi=10.1007/978-3-030-70709-5 |publisher=Springer}}}} The party's healthcare policies including reversing pro-market reform, including reversing and prohibiting the commercialization of public healthcare providers. It also increased the salaries of doctors. In 2016, PiS proposed an ambitious reform of replacing Poland's current health insurance system with tax-financed universal healthcare. These proposals were abandoned, although in its place the party committed to perpetually increase public funding for healthcare by about 0.2% of GDP annually. Zabdyr-Jarmóz, Löblová, Moise and Kowalska-Bobko concluded that the policies of PiS are "closer to social-democratic than even a Christian-democratic party",{{cite book |page=129 |chapter=Is the Polish ‘Law and Justice’ (PiS) a Typical Populist Radical Right Party? A Health Policy Perspective |author1=Michał Zabdyr-Jamróz |author2=Olga Löblová |author3=Alexandru D. Moise |author4=Iwona Kowalska-Bobko |editor1=Michelle Falkenbach |editor2=Scott L. Greer |title=The Populist Radical Right and Health National Policies and Global Trends |year=2021 |isbn=978-3-030-70709-5 |doi=10.1007/978-3-030-70709-5 |publisher=Springer}} and wrote: {{blockquote|text=Unlike some PRR [populist radical right] practitioners, for instance, Donald Trump, PiS does not use its pro-social agenda as an instrumental tool only to be forgotten after the elections. Given its size and its capacity to conceptualise and implement reforms, PiS is more similar to a traditional catch-all party than a fringe PRR party that needs a senior partner to enter into government (similar to, for instance, Austria). In health policy, the government has proposed and begun implementing numerous reforms that are not primarily driven by ideology and are arguably adequate responses (not prone to partisan critique) responses to urgent problems of Polish health care, such as increasing funding for health care, retaining and training new health professionals and decreasing waiting times. It also initiated or continued several non-partisan technological access improvements such as e-health expansion. PiS does not conform to contemporary Western European left-right cleavages: PiS is highly sceptical of neoliberal globalist policies, in line with the perspective of the economic left. PiS has a strong social-democratic economic programme and in their manifesto stands clearly against austerity, privatisation or commercialisation of public services. At one point, the leader of PiS, Jarosław Kaczyński, has even (on record) praised and recommended the book Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty – a bestselling economic analysis arguing for social-democratic reforms in light of growing economic inequalities.{{cite book |page=127|chapter=Is the Polish ‘Law and Justice’ (PiS) a Typical Populist Radical Right Party? A Health Policy Perspective |author1=Michał Zabdyr-Jamróz |author2=Olga Löblová |author3=Alexandru D. Moise |author4=Iwona Kowalska-Bobko |editor1=Michelle Falkenbach |editor2=Scott L. Greer |title=The Populist Radical Right and Health National Policies and Global Trends |year=2021 |isbn=978-3-030-70709-5 |doi=10.1007/978-3-030-70709-5 |publisher=Springer}} }} The economic views and policies of Law and Justice derive from the Polish political party [[Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland]] (Samoobrona) led by [[Andrzej Lepper]]. Law and Justice appropriated the economic rhetoric and views of Samoobrona following its complete collapse in the [[2007 Polish parliamentary election]].{{cite book |title=Start-Up Poland: The People Who Transformed an Economy |first=Jan |last=Cienski |publisher=The University of Chicago Press |location=Chicago and London |year=2018 |isbn=978-0-226-30695-7 |doi=10.7208/chicago/9780226306957.001.0001 |page=54}} Samoobrona is an economically far-left party, much further left than parties of post-communist origin such as the social-democratic [[Democratic Left Alliance (Poland)|Democratic Left Alliance]].{{cite journal |title=Political Responses to the Extreme-Right in Poland: Motivations and Constrains for Collaboration in the Executive Arena |publisher=University of Wrocław |journal=Studia Polityczne |year=2019 |volume=47 |issue=4 |issn=1230-3135 |doi=10.35757/STP.2019.47.4.03 |first=Aleksandra |last=Moroska-Bonkiewicz |page=82|doi-access=free }} After Samoobrona and the far-right anti-capitalist League of Polish Families (LPR) formed a coalition with PiS in 2006 in order to prevent the neoliberal Civic Platform from coming to power, Law and Justice managed to claim the voters of both parties by "taking up economically inclusionary discourse from the originally left-wing Self-Defence and outbidding the LPR on cultural conservatism". Ever since, Law and Justice has been critical of the capitalist transformation in Poland, accusing the 1990s Polish cabinets of 'choosing the wrong path of transformation after the 1989 system change' and leading to 'beneficiaries under such capitalist conditions [having] become undeservedly privileged'. [[Rakib Ehsan]] of the UK's [[Spiked (magazine)|Spiked]] website argued in 2019 that that PiS pursues a "brand of ‘red and blue’ politics – social-democratic economics combined with socio-cultural conservatism".{{cite web |url=https://www.spiked-online.com/2019/10/17/poland-and-the-rise-of-red-and-blue-politics/ |website=[[Spiked (magazine)|Spiked]] |title=Poland and the rise of 'red and blue' politics |date=17 October 2019 |first=Rakib |last=Ehsan}} Similarly, Polish political scientist Marek M. Kamiński described PiS as "culturally conservative, economically social democratic".{{cite journal |first=Marek M. |last=Kamiński |title=Spoiler efects in proportional representation systems: evidence from eight Polish parliamentary elections, 1991–2015 |doi=10.1007/s11127-018-0565-x |date=23 May 2018 |journal=Public Choice |volume=176 |issue=3–4 |publisher=Springer |page=450|url=https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0gx0f683 }} [[Foreign Affairs]] remarked that the program of PiS "amounts to a very leftist (or, rather, a Catholic socialist) set of economic policies", listing policies such as increasing minimum wage, abolishing short-term job contracts, limiting self-employment contracts abused by employers to avoid benefit payments, decreasing retirement age, increasing family benefits, implementing social payments for large families, and enacting a special tax on foreign banks' assets and foreign big stores.{{cite magazine |url=https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/poland/2015-11-01/paranoid-poland |title=How Worried Should the West be About the Law and Justice Party's Victory? |date=1 November 2015 |first=Mitchell A. |last=Orenstein |website=[[Foreign Affairs]]}} Igor S. Putintsev wrote that "the political views of PiS are 70% right-wing and socioeconomic ones 100% left-wing", arguing that PiS pursuses a "proactive and consistent social policy", which included its 500+ state program, annulment of neoliberal pension reforms carried out under Civic Platform and reduction in retirement age. Putintsev credited PiS with constructing "a Polish model of a modern welfare state".{{cite journal |title=The two-party tendency in Poland's political system: manifestations, causes and prospects |journal=Baltic Region |volume=15 |issue=1 |first=Igor S. |last=Putintsev |year=2023 |doi=10.5922/2079-8555-2023-1-2 |publisher=Gesis Leibniz-Institut für Sozialwissenschaften |pages=24–25 |url=https://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/bitstream/handle/document/86623/ssoar-balticreg-2023-1-putintsev-The_two-party_tendency_in_Polands.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y}} The party claims to represent the "marginalised vast majority of Poles" who had to bear the costs of capitalist transformation, and states that its main goal is to provide the "common man its fair economic share of societal resources". Law and Justice is highly critical of [[neoliberalism]], describing it as "anti-family" and arguing that neoliberal policies are responsible for social inequality, as well as maximizing profit at the cost of the "ordinary people" and "Catholic values". The party proposes increasing social benefit payments, raising the minimum wage, increasing expenditures on child nutrition and benefits to worse-off families. It also postulates more subsidies and state control of the Polish infrastructure, and expansion of the healthcare and education system. The party also opposes privatization, stating: "We cannot deprive the state of influence and responsibility for the social order, in particular for the weakest social groups whose situation as a result of the transformation has been rapidly deteriorating." ===National political structures=== [[File:Narodowego Święto Niepodległości (1).jpg|thumb|PiS meeting on National Independence Day]] PiS has presented a project for constitutional reform including, among others: allowing the [[President of Poland|president]] the right to pass laws by decree (when prompted to do so by the Cabinet), a reduction of the number of members of the [[Sejm]] and [[Senate of Poland|Senat]], and removal of constitutional bodies overseeing the media and monetary policy. PiS advocates increased criminal penalties. It postulates aggressive anti-corruption measures (including creation of an Anti-Corruption Bureau ([[Central Anticorruption Bureau|CBA]]), open disclosure of the assets of politicians and important public servants), as well as broad and various measures to smooth the working of public institutions. PiS is a strong supporter of [[lustration]] (''lustracja''), a verification system created ostensibly to combat the influence of the [[Służba Bezpieczeństwa|Communist era security apparatus]] in Polish society. While current lustration laws require the verification of those who serve in public offices, PiS wants to expand the process to include university professors, lawyers, journalists, managers of large companies, and others performing "public functions". Those found to have collaborated with the [[Służba Bezpieczeństwa|security service]], according to the party, should be forbidden to practice in their professions. ===Diplomacy and defence=== The party is in favour of strengthening the [[Polish Armed Forces|Polish Army]] through diminishing bureaucracy and raising military expenditures, especially for modernisation of army equipment. The party supports Polish membership in NATO, arguing that Poland should fulfill its military obligations and aspire to become one of the countries that shape NATO policy. In its 2001 program, the party called for maintaining compulsory military service, but shortening it as much as possible, writing: "PiS will strive to shorten the duration of compulsory military service to the extent possible, so that it is limited to the conscript training process. Universal military service should be imposed on the best conscripts, raising the level of the reserves and creating appropriate social role models. We will support the development of an attractive military training programme for students and a military class programme in secondary schools, together with an appropriate incentive system." Later the party abandoned its support of military draft - it planned to introduce a fully professional army and end conscription by 2012; in August 2008, compulsory military service was abolished in Poland. It is also in favour of participation of Poland in foreign military missions led by the United Nations, [[NATO]] and United States, in countries like [[Afghanistan]] and [[Iraq]].{{cite thesis |url=https://rep.up.krakow.pl/xmlui/handle/11716/11656?locale-attribute=en |language=pl |title=Przemiany ustrojowe a funkcjonowanie sił zbrojnych Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w systemie bezpieczeństwa państwa w latach 1989-2004 |first=Marceli |last=Herman |location=Kraków |year=2022 |publisher=Uniwersytet Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie |journal=Wydział Nauk Społecznych Instytut Nauk o Polityce i Administracji |pages=12–13}} The party moderated its policies in the wake of its coalition with far-left Samoobrona and far-right LPR in 2006, as both parties demanded withdrawal of Polish troops from Iraq and Afghanistan, and distancing Poland from the European Union.{{cite journal |title=Political Responses to the Extreme-Right in Poland: Motivations and Constrains for Collaboration in the Executive Arena |publisher=University of Wrocław |journal=Studia Polityczne |year=2019 |volume=47 |issue=4 |issn=1230-3135 |doi=10.35757/STP.2019.47.4.03 |first=Aleksandra |last=Moroska-Bonkiewicz |page=86|doi-access=free }} Ever since its founding in 2001, Law and Justice had a catalogue of complex reforms in the sphere of defence and national security, which it also connected to economic matters. The party postulates a national security law that would expand the legal capabilities of special and public security services. Law and Justice proposed monitoring key industries such as energy, telecommunications, banking as well as stock exchange, including taking note of the ownership situation in these economic sectors and the main companies operating in these fields. The national security act and extensive monitoring of the economy were to provide the basis for the Polish government to safeguard economic security by partial or complete compulsory state buyouts of companies "whose operation on the market creates a direct or potential threat to national security". In this way, the party connected its anti-privatization views with its law-and-order proposals. [[File:V4 Summit in Prague 2015-12-03 (23412347901).jpg|right|thumb|[[Visegrád Group]] leaders' meeting in Prague, 2015]] PiS is eurosceptic,{{cite book|last1=Vasilopoulou|first1=Sofia|title=The Oxford Handbook of the Radical Right|date=2018|publisher=Oxford University Press|isbn=978-0-19-027455-9|editor1-last=Rydgren|editor1-first=Jens|language=en|chapter=The Radical Right and Euroskepticism}}{{cite book|last1=Guerra|first1=Simona|title=Euroscepticisms: The Historical Roots of a Political Challenge|date=2020|publisher=Brill|isbn=978-90-04-42125-7|language=en|chapter=The Historical Roots of Euroscepticism in Poland}}{{cite journal|last1=Lázár|first1=Nóra|date=2015|title=Euroscepticism in Hungary and Poland: a Comparative Analysis of Jobbik and the Law and Justice Parties|url=https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=307141|journal=Politeja – Pismo Wydziału Studiów Międzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego|language=English|volume=12|issue=33|pages=215–233|doi=10.12797/Politeja.12.2015.33.11|issn=1733-6716|doi-access=free}} although the party supports integration with the [[European Union]] on terms beneficial for Poland. It supports economic integration and tightening cooperation in areas of energy security and military operations, but is sceptical about closer political integration. It is against the formation of a European [[superstate]] or federation. PiS is in favour of a strong political and military alliance between Poland and the United States. In 2006, Kaczyński spoke of the EU: "My opinion of the EU is the following: A super state which polarizes countries' areas of competence but which at the same time is rather helpless because it only has a symbolic budget... The EU is an artificial creation." In the [[European Parliament]], it is a member of the [[European Conservatives and Reformists Group|European Conservatives and Reformists]], a [[political groups of the European Parliament|group]] founded in 2009 to challenge the prevailing pro-federalist ethos of the [[European Parliament]] and address the perceived ''[[democratic deficit]]'' existing at a European level. Law and Justice has frequently expressed [[Anti-Germanism|anti-German]],{{cite news |last1=Wieliński |first1=Bartosz T. |title=Poland, Germany still friends despite PiS' anti-German campaign |url=https://www.euractiv.com/section/freedom-of-thought/news/fri-poland-germany-still-friends-despite-pis-anti-german-campaign/ |access-date=24 August 2020 |work=www.euractiv.com |date=8 June 2018}}{{cite news |last1=Sieradzka |first1=Monika |title=Anti-German sentiment colors Polish president's election campaign |url=https://www.dw.com/en/anti-german-sentiment-colors-polish-presidents-election-campaign/a-54137270 |access-date=24 August 2020 |work=Deutsche Welle |date=11 July 2020}}{{cite news |last1=Zaborowski |first1=Marcin |title=What is the Future for German-Polish Relations |url=https://visegradinsight.eu/what-is-the-future-for-german-polish-relations/ |access-date=24 August 2020 |work=Visegrad Insight |date=27 November 2017}} and [[anti-Russian sentiment|anti-Russian]] stances.{{cite news |title=Poland's New Populism |url=https://foreignpolicy.com/2018/10/05/polands-new-populism-pis/ |work=Foreign Policy |date=5 October 2018}}{{cite news |title=Russia warns Poland not to touch Soviet WW2 memorials |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-40775355 |publisher=BBC News |date=31 July 2017}}{{cite news |title=Law and Justice banks on Smolensk conspiracy theories |url=https://www.euractiv.com/section/elections/news/law-and-order-banks-on-smolensk-conspiracy-theories/ |work=[[Euractiv]] |date=13 April 2016}} It has taken a hardline stance against Russia in its foreign policy since the party's foundation.{{Cite web |title=Why Is CPAC Traveling to Illiberal Hungary? |url=https://www.splcenter.org/hatewatch/2022/04/05/why-cpac-traveling-illiberal-hungary |access-date=2022-04-06 |website=Southern Poverty Law Center |date=5 April 2022 |language=en}} The party vocally advocated for military aid to [[Ukraine]] during the 2022 [[Russian invasion of Ukraine]], but announced it would halt arms transfers in September 2023 following disagreements over the export of Ukrainian grain to Poland.{{Cite web|url=https://www.cnn.com/2023/09/21/europe/poland-ukraine-weapons-grain-explainer-intl/index.html|title=Analysis: What Poland and Ukraine's feud means for the war|first=Rob|last=Picheta|date=21 September 2023|website=CNN}} The party has been described as divided between pro-Ukrainian and anti-Ukrainian factions.{{Cite news|url=https://www.lemonde.fr/en/international/article/2023/10/06/ahead-of-poland-election-support-for-ukraine-is-a-collateral-victim_6153496_4.html|title=Ahead of Polish election, support for Ukraine is a collateral victim|newspaper=Le Monde|date=6 October 2023}} PiS has historically advocated for a [[pro-Israel]] policy, although relations with Israel deteriorated following the 2018 [[Amendment to the Act on the Institute of National Remembrance]] and subsequent [[Israel–Poland relations#Diplomatic incidents|diplomatic incidents]].{{Cite web|url=https://www.euractiv.pl/section/polityka-zagraniczna-ue/news/polski-premier-nie-przyjedzie-na-szczyt-v4-do-jerozolimy/|title=Polski premier nie przyjedzie na szczyt V4 do Jerozolimy|first=Barbara|last=Bodalska|date=18 February 2019|website=www.euractiv.pl}} In opposition, PiS called for the expulsion of the Israeli Ambassador following the [[World Central Kitchen drone strikes]], in which a Polish citizen was killed.{{Cite web|url=https://wpolityce.pl/polityka/687426-wydalenie-ambasadora-izraela-prezes-pis-zrobilbym-to|title=Wydalenie ambasadora Izraela? Prezes PiS: Zrobiłbym to|website=wpolityce.pl}} The PiS government supported [[accession of Turkey to the European Union]].{{Cite web|url=https://www.newarab.com/analysis/whats-behind-turkey-and-polands-growing-alliance|title=What's behind Turkey and Poland's growing alliance?|first=Fuad|last=Shahbazov|date=7 June 2021|website=www.newarab.com/}} PiS also advocates for a strong relationship with Hungary under [[Viktor Orbán]], though they diverged over the [[Russo-Ukrainian War]].{{Cite web|url=https://vsquare.org/orban-kaczynski-novak-morawiecki-poland-hungary-russia-war-ukraine/|title=HOW ORBÁN ANGERED HIS CLOSEST POLISH ALLIES|date=15 May 2023}}{{Cite web|url=https://notesfrompoland.com/2024/02/01/pis-open-to-orban-joining-its-european-group-and-condemns-eu-blackmail-against-hungary/|title=PiS "open" to Orbán joining its European group and condemns EU "blackmail" against Hungary|first=Daniel|last=Tilles|date=1 February 2024}} Law and Justice criticised the Polish government's decision in 2008 to [[2008 Kosovo declaration of independence|recognise the independence of Kosovo]] from Serbia.{{cite news|work=TVN24|url=https://tvn24.pl/polska/polski-rzad-oficjalnie-uznal-niepodleglosc-kosowa-ra50294-ls3693036|date=26 February 2008|title=Polski rząd oficjalnie uznał niepodległość Kosowa}} ===Social policies=== The party's views on social issues are much more traditionalist than those of [[social conservative]] parties in other European countries,{{cite web|first=Wolfram|last=Nordsieck|title=Poland|publisher=Parties and Elections in Europe|url=http://parties-and-elections.eu/poland.html|year=2019|access-date=28 November 2019}}[https://www.economist.com/blogs/economist-explains/2016/01/economist-explains-7 Why is Poland's government worrying the EU?] ''The Economist''. Published 12 January 2016. Retrieved 22 July 2017. and its social views reflect those of the [[Christian right]].{{cite web|date=5 October 2019|title=Family, faith, flag: the religious right and the battle for Poland's soul|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/oct/05/family-faith-flag-catholic-religious-right-battle-polands-soul|work=The Guardian}} PiS has been described to hold [[Right-wing populism|right-wing populist]] views.{{refn|{{cite news|url=https://www.axios.com/eu-poland-top-court-judicial-crackdown-0bd3ef56-2979-4c39-8afb-855005e509e7.html|publisher=[[Axios (website)|Axios]]|title=EU takes Poland to court over judicial crackdown|date=24 September 2018|archive-date=14 April 2019|access-date=10 November 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190414122811/https://www.axios.com/eu-poland-top-court-judicial-crackdown-0bd3ef56-2979-4c39-8afb-855005e509e7.html|url-status=dead}}{{cite news|work=[[The Independent]]|title=European Court of Justice orders Poland to stop purging its supreme court judges|url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/poland-supreme-court-judges-eu-european-court-judge-ecj-a8592136.html|date=19 October 2018}}{{cite web|work=[[Haaretz]]|url=https://www.haaretz.com/misc/haaretzcomsmartphoneapp/1.721292|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170401061006/http://www.haaretz.com/misc/haaretzcomsmartphoneapp/1.721292|url-status=dead|archive-date=1 April 2017|title=After Loss in Austria, a Look at Europe's Right-wing Parties|date=24 May 2016}}{{cite encyclopedia|editor1-first=Scott H.|editor1-last=Ainsworth|editor2-first=Brian M.|editor2-last=Harward|title=Open Society Foundations|encyclopedia=Political Groups, Parties, and Organizations that Shaped America|page=739|first=Nathan|last=Henceroth|year=2019|publisher=ABC-CLIO}}{{cite journal |last1=Krzyżanowska |first1=Natalia |last2=Krzyżanowski |first2=Michał |title='Crisis' and Migration in Poland: Discursive Shifts, Anti-Pluralism and the Politicisation of Exclusion |journal=Sociology |date=2018 |volume=52 |issue=3 |pages=612–618 |doi=10.1177/0038038518757952|s2cid=149501422 }}{{cite web|last1=Dudzińska|first1=Agnieszka|last2=Kotnarowski|first2=Michał|date=24 July 2019|title=Imaginary Muslims: How the Polish right frames Islam|url=https://www.brookings.edu/research/imaginary-muslims-how-polands-populists-frame-islam/#cancel|website=brookings.edu|publisher=[[Brookings Institution|Brookings]]}}{{cite encyclopedia|year=2019|title=Open Society Foundations|encyclopedia=Political Groups, Parties, and Organizations that Shaped America|publisher=ABC-CLIO|last=Henceroth|first=Nathan|editor1-last=Ainsworth|editor1-first=Scott H.|page=739|editor2-first=Brian M.|editor2-last=Harward}}}} The party presents itself as a champion of Catholicism, and in accordance with the [[Catholic social teaching]], it opposes euthanasia and legal recognition of homosexual couples. It also supports strengthening restrictions on abortion. However, the party also took positions that conflicted with the Church's teaching, such as favoring the [[death penalty]] or demonstrating flexible stances on [[stem cell research]] and [[vitro fertilization]].{{cite journal |last=Chernyshev |first=Maxim |title=Evolution Of Political Cleavages And Entry Of The Far-right In Government Coalitions In Italy And Poland |year=2008 |journal=Electronic Theses and Dissertations |issue=3739 |url=https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/3739 |page=80 |publisher=University of Central Florida}} ====Family==== The party strongly promotes itself as a pro-family party and encourages married couples to have more children. Prior to 2005 elections, it promised to build three million inexpensive housing units as a way to help young couples start a family. Once in government, it passed legislation lengthening [[parental leave]]s. In 2017, the PiS government commenced the so-called "500+" programme under which all parents residing in Poland receive an unconditional monthly payment of 500 PLN for each second and subsequent child (the 500 PLN support for the first child being linked to income). It also revived the idea of a housing programme based on state-supported construction of inexpensive housing units. Also in 2017, the party's MPs passed a law that bans most retail trade on Sundays on the premise that workers will supposedly spend more time with their families. ==== Abortion ==== [[File:02020 0679 Protest against abortion restriction in Kraków, October 2020.jpg|thumb|Anti-PiS poster during the [[October 2020 Polish protests|October 2020 protests]] in Kraków (Five stars represent a [[Polish profanity#Most commonly used vulgarisms|common profanity]], three represent the party name.){{Cite web|date=2020-10-26|title=Protests over Abortion Ruling Widen, Radicalise and Threaten Polish Government|url=https://balkaninsight.com/2020/10/26/protests-over-abortion-ruling-widen-radicalise-and-threaten-polish-government/|access-date=2020-10-28|website=Balkan Insight|language=en-US}}]] The party is [[anti-abortion]] and supports further restrictions on [[Abortion in Poland|Poland's abortion laws]] which are already one of the most restrictive in Europe. PiS opposes abortion resulting from [[Birth defect|foetal defects]]{{Cite news|url=https://wiadomosci.onet.pl/kraj/jaroslaw-kaczynski-o-aborcji-dzieci-z-zespolem-downa-musza-zyc/t2xy3s|title=Jarosław Kaczyński o aborcji. Dzieci z zespołem Downa muszą żyć|date=14 October 2016|work=Onet Wiadomości|access-date=2 August 2018|language=pl-PL}} which is currently allowed until specific foetal age. In 2016, PiS supported legislation to ban abortion under all circumstances, and investigate miscarriages. After the [[black Protest]]s the legislation was withdrawn.{{cite news |last1=Walker |first1=Shaun |last2=Strek |first2=Kasia |title=The price of choice – the fight over abortion in Poland {{!}} photo essay |url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/oct/23/the-price-of-choice-the-fight-over-abortion-in-poland-photo-essay |access-date=23 January 2021 |work=The Guardian |date=23 October 2020}} In October 2020, the Constitutional Court ruled that one of three circumstances (foetal defects) is unconstitutional. However, many constitutionalists argue that this judgement is invalid. The party is against [[euthanasia]] and [[comprehensive sex education]]. It has proposed a ban of [[in-vitro fertilisation]]. ====Disability rights==== In April 2018, the PiS government announced a PLN 23 billion (EUR 5.5 billion) programme (named "Accessibility+") aimed at reducing barriers for disabled people, to be implemented 2018–2025.{{Cite web|url=https://www.miir.gov.pl/strony/aktualnosci/inauguracja-programu-dostepnosc-plus-2018-2025/|title=Inauguracja Programu Dostępność Plus 2018–2025 |publisher=Ministerstwo Inwestycji i Rozwoju |language=pl|access-date=2 August 2018}}{{Cite news|url=https://businessinsider.com.pl/wiadomosci/dostepnosc-plus-rzadowy-program-wsparcia-seniorow/5mcjg0p|title=PiS przeznaczy 23 mld zł na program "Dostępność Plus"|date=17 July 2018|work=Business Insider|access-date=2 August 2018|language=pl-PL}} Also in April 2018, parents of disabled adults who required long-term care protested in Sejm over what they considered inadequate state support, in particular, the reduction of support once the child turns 18.{{Cite web|url=http://www.sejm.gov.pl/Sejm8.nsf/komunikat.xsp?documentId=ED002FEAAB0BADF5C1258292005A847A|title=Protest of disabled persons in the Sejm – communique from the Sejm Information Centre for the foreign media|publisher=Sejm |language=pl|access-date=2 August 2018}}{{Cite web|url=https://www.dw.com/en/parents-of-disabled-children-occupy-polands-parliament/a-43555600|title=Parents of disabled children occupy Poland's parliament |date=26 April 2018 |publisher=Deutsche Welle |language=en|access-date=2 August 2018}} As a result, the monthly disability benefit for adults was raised by approx. 15 per cent to PLN 1,000 (approx. EUR 240) and certain non-cash benefits were instituted, although protesters' demands of an additional monthly cash benefit were rejected. ====Gay rights==== {{See also|LGBT rights in Poland}} The party opposes the [[LGBT movements|LGBT movement]] and many of its postulates, in particular [[same-sex marriage]]s and any other form of legal recognition of same-sex couples. In 2020, Poland was ranked the lowest of any European Union country for LGBT rights by [[ILGA-Europe]].{{cite news |title=Poland's culture war: LGBT people forced to turn to civil disobedience |url=https://www.euronews.com/2020/10/06/poland-s-culture-war-lgbt-people-cornered-by-toxic-politics-are-turning-to-civil-disobedie |access-date=21 October 2020 |work=euronews |date=6 October 2020 |language=en}} The organisation also highlighted instances of [[anti-LGBT rhetoric]] and hate speech by politicians of the ruling party.[https://www.ilga-europe.org/sites/default/files/2020/poland.pdf ANNUAL REVIEW OF THE HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION OF LESBIAN, GAY, BISEXUAL, TRANS, AND INTERSEX PEOPLE IN POLAND COVERING THE PERIOD OF JANUARY TO DECEMBER 2019] ILGA-Europe{{cite news |last1=Fitzsimons |first1=Tim |title=Anti-gay hate on the rise in parts of Europe, report finds |url=https://www.nbcnews.com/feature/nbc-out/anti-gay-hate-rise-parts-europe-report-finds-n1130176 |access-date=21 October 2020 |work=NBC News |language=en}} In ''[[Bączkowski and Others v. Poland]]'', the [[European Court of Human Rights]] unanimously ruled that the ban of the parade violated Articles [[Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights|11]], [[Article 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights|13]] and [[Article 14 of the European Convention on Human Rights|14]] of the [[European Convention on Human Rights]]. The judgement stated that "The positive obligation of a State to secure genuine and effective respect for freedom of association and assembly was of particular importance to those with unpopular views or belonging to minorities".{{Cite web|url=http://hudoc.echr.coe.int/eng-press?i=003-1988493-2109260|title=HUDOC - European Court of Human Rights|website=hudoc.echr.coe.int}} In 2016, [[Beata Szydło]]'s government disbanded the Council for the Prevention of Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Intolerance, an advisory body set up in 2011 by then-Prime Minister [[Donald Tusk]]. The council monitored, advised and coordinated government action against racism, discrimination and hate crime.{{Cite news |url=http://archiwum.thenews.pl/1/9/Artykul/251284,Polish-PM-abolishes-antidiscrimination-council |title=Polish PM abolishes anti-discrimination council |date=4 May 2016 |work=Radio Poland |access-date=29 August 2019}}{{Cite news |url=https://www.reuters.com/article/us-poland-politics-farright-idUSKBN1ES0BK |title=Poland's far-right: opportunity and threat for ruling PiS |last1=Kelly |first1=Lidia |date=3 January 2018 |work=Reuters |access-date=29 August 2019 |last2=Justyna |first2=Pawlak |language=en}} Many local towns, cities,[https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/polands-right-wing-ruling-party-has-found-a-new-targetlgbt-ideology/2019/07/19/775f25c6-a4ad-11e9-a767-d7ab84aef3e9_story.html?noredirect=on Polish towns advocate ‘LGBT-free’ zones while the ruling party cheers them on], Washington Post, 21 July 2019[https://www.cbc.ca/radio/day6/britain-s-other-new-leader-impeach-o-meter-mister-rogers-radical-theology-lgbt-free-zones-in-poland-more-1.5224060/why-lgbt-free-zones-are-on-the-rise-in-poland-1.5224067 Why 'LGBT-free zones' are on the rise in Poland], [[Canadian Broadcasting Corporation]], 27 July 2019 and [[Voivodeship sejmik]]s[https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2019/08/09/lgbtq-activists-poland-battle-growing-hostility-countrys-powerful/ Polish ruling party whips up LGBTQ hatred ahead of elections amid 'gay-free' zones and Pride march attacks], Telegraph, 9 August 2019 comprising a third of Poland's territory have declared their respective regions as [[LGBT-free zone]]s with the encouragement of the ruling PiS.{{cite news |last1=Ciobanu |first1=Claudia |title=A Third of Poland Declared 'LGBT-Free Zone' |url=https://balkaninsight.com/2020/02/25/a-third-of-poland-declared-lgbt-free-zone/ |access-date=20 October 2020 |work=Balkan Insight |date=25 February 2020}} Polish President [[Andrzej Duda]], who was the Law and Justice party's candidate for presidency in 2015 and 2020, stated that "LGBT is not people, it's an ideology which is worse than Communism."{{cite news |last1=Gera |first1=Vanessa |title=Polish president calls LGBT 'ideology' worse than communism |url=https://apnews.com/article/72fab166f1cfd02794c9add62247960e |access-date=20 October 2020 |work=AP NEWS |date=13 June 2020}}{{cite news |title=Polish president revives attacks on LGBT community in re-election campaign |url=https://www.irishtimes.com/news/world/europe/polish-president-revives-attacks-on-lgbt-community-in-re-election-campaign-1.4277863 |newspaper=The Irish Times |date=12 June 2020}} During his successful 2020 election campaign, he pledged he would ban teaching about LGBT issues in schools;{{cite news |title=Polish president says he would ban LGBT teaching in schools |url=https://www.reuters.com/article/us-poland-election-lgbt/polish-president-says-he-would-ban-lgbt-teaching-in-schools-idUSKBN23H2BU |access-date=13 July 2020 |work=Reuters |date=10 June 2020}} he also proposed changing the constitution to ban LGBT couples from adopting children.{{Cite web|title=Polish president proposes constitutional ban on gay adoption|url=https://www.nbcnews.com/feature/nbc-out/polish-president-proposes-constitutional-ban-gay-adoption-n1232957|access-date=12 July 2020|website=NBC News|date=6 July 2020 |language=en}} ====Nationalism==== {{see also|Historical policy of Law and Justice}} Academic research has characterised Law and Justice as a partially nationalist party,{{refn|{{cite magazine|url=https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/poland/2017-12-18/rise-polands-far-right|title=The Rise of Poland's Far Right|magazine=Foreign Affairs|date=18 December 2017|last1=Charnysh |first1=Volha }}{{cite web|work=[[The New York Times Magazine]]|title=The Party That Wants to Make Poland Great Again|date=2 November 2016|first=James|last=Traub|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2016/11/06/magazine/the-party-that-wants-to-make-poland-great-again.html?_r=0}}{{cite web|work=[[The Guardian]]|title=Xenophobic, authoritarian – and generous on welfare: how Poland's right rules|date=25 October 2016|first=Remi|last=Adekoya|url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/oct/25/poland-right-law-justice-party-europe}}{{cite news|newspaper=[[The Economist]]|title=Protests grow against Poland's nationalist government|date=20 December 2016|url=https://www.economist.com/news/europe/21712168-law-and-justice-party-restricts-freedom-assembly-and-movement-journalists}}{{cite journal |last1=Polynczuk-Alenius |first1=Kinga |title=At the intersection of racism and nationalism: Theorising and contextualising the 'anti-immigration' discourse in Poland |journal=Nations and Nationalism |date=2020 |volume=27 |issue=3 |pages=766–781 |doi=10.1111/nana.12611|doi-access=free |hdl=10138/342733 |hdl-access=free }}{{cite journal |last1=Krzyżanowski |first1=Michał |title=Discursive Shifts in Ethno-Nationalist Politics: On Politicization and Mediatization of the "Refugee Crisis" in Poland |journal=Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Studies |date=2018 |volume=16 |issue=1–2 |pages=76–96 |doi=10.1080/15562948.2017.1317897|s2cid=54068132 }}{{cite journal |last1=Żuk |first1=Piotr |title=Nation, national remembrance, and education — Polish schools as factories of nationalism and prejudice |journal=Nationalities Papers |date=2018 |volume=46 |issue=6 |pages=1046–1062 |doi=10.1080/00905992.2017.1381079|s2cid=158161859 }}}} but PiS's leadership rejects this label.{{efn|During the 2008 [[National Independence Day (Poland)|Polish Independence Day]] celebrations, [[Lech Kaczyński]] said in his speech during the visit to the city of [[Elbląg]] that "the state is a great value, and attachment to the state, to one's fatherland, we call patriotism – beware of the word nationalism, as nationalism is evil!"{{cite web|url=http://wiadomosci.wp.pl/prezydent-l-kaczynski-nacjonalizm-jest-zlem-6036779525371009a|title=Prezydent L. Kaczyński: nacjonalizm jest złem|date=30 September 2008}} On the same day during the celebrations in Warsaw, L. Kaczyński again stated: "patriotism doesn't equal nationalism."{{cite news|url=http://www.polskatimes.pl/artykul/59272,lech-kaczynski-patriotyzm-nie-oznacza-nacjonalizmu,id,t.html|title=Lech Kaczyński: Patriotyzm nie oznacza nacjonalizmu|work=Portal I.pl |date=11 November 2008 }} In 2011, [[Jarosław Kaczyński]] criticised pre-war [[Polish nationalism]] for "its intellectual, political and moral failure" by emphasising that the movement "did not know how to deal with and solve the problems of [[Ethnic minorities in Poland|Polish minorities]]."{{Cite web|url=https://www.rp.pl/Rzecz-o-polityce/303299876-Jaroslaw-Kaczynski-z-Romana-Dmowskiego.html|title=Jarosław Kaczyński z Romana Dmowskiego|website=www.rp.pl}}}} Both Kaczyńskis look up for inspirations to the pre-war [[Sanacja]] movement with its leader [[Józef Piłsudski]], in contrast to the nationalist [[Endecja]] that was led by Piłsudski's political archrival, [[Roman Dmowski]].{{cite web|url=http://kresy.pl/wydarzenia/kowal-kaczynski-powstrzymuje-w-polsce-nacjonalizm/|title=Kowal: Kaczyński powstrzymuje w Polsce nacjonalizm |date=10 February 2016 |publisher=Kresy – Portal Społeczności Kresowej}} However, parts of the party, especially the faction around [[Radio Maryja]], are inspired by Dmowski's movement.{{cite journal |last1=Żuk |first1=Piotr |last2=Żuk |first2=Paweł |title=Dangerous Liaisons between the Catholic Church and State: the religious and political alliance of the nationalist right with the conservative Church in Poland |journal=Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe |date=2019 |volume=27 |issue=2–3 |pages=191–212 |doi=10.1080/25739638.2019.1692519|s2cid=211393866 }} Polish far-right organisations and parties such as [[National Revival of Poland]], [[National Movement (Poland)|National Movement]] and [[Autonome Nationalisten|Autonomous Nationalists]] regularly criticise PiS's relative ideological moderation and its politicians for "monopolizing" official political scene by playing on the popular patriotic and religious feelings.{{Cite web|url=http://autonom.pl/?s=%22Prawo+i+Sprawiedliwo%C5%9B%C4%87%22|title=Search Result | AUTONOM.PL | autonomiczni nacjonaliści nowoczesny nacjonalizm AN|website=autonom.pl}}{{Cite web|url=https://www.nacjonalista.pl/?s=%22Prawo+i+Sprawiedliwo%C5%9B%C4%87%22|title="Prawo I Sprawiedliwość" | Nacjonalista.pl – Dziennik Narodowo-Radykalny|website=nacjonalista.pl}}{{Cite web|url=https://xportal.pl/|title=Strona główna|website=XPortal}} However, the party does include several overtly nationalist politicians in senior positions, such as Digital Affairs Minister [[Adam Andruszkiewicz]], the former leader of the [[All-Polish Youth]];{{cite news|work=[[Seattle Times]]|title=Far-right Polish official steps back from radical comments|date=4 January 2019|url=https://www.seattletimes.com/nation-world/nation/controversy-around-extreme-right-member-of-polish-government/}} and deputy PiS leader and former Defence Minister [[Antoni Macierewicz]], the founder of the [[National-Catholic Movement]].{{Cite news|work=[[The Guardian]]|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/jul/12/polish-minister-accused-of-having-links-with-pro-kremlin-far-right-groups|date=12 July 2017|title=Polish minister accused of having links with pro-Kremlin far-right groups}} It has been also described as [[National conservatism|national-conservative]].{{Citation|last1=Hloušek|first1=Vít|title=Origin, Ideology and Transformation of Political Parties: East-Central and Western Europe Compared|page=196|year=2010|publisher=Ashgate|last2=Kopeček|first2=Lubomír}}{{cite web|last=Nordsieck|first=Wolfram|year=2019|title=Poland|url=http://parties-and-elections.eu/poland.html|access-date=28 November 2019|publisher=Parties and Elections in Europe}}{{cite web|date=24 July 2017|title=How the Catholic Church ties in to Poland's judicial reform|url=https://www.dw.com/en/how-the-catholic-church-ties-in-to-polands-judicial-reform/a-39809383|website=dw.com|publisher=[[Deutsche Welle]]}} ==== Refugees and economic migrants ==== PiS opposed the quota system for mass relocation of immigrants proposed by the European Commission to address the 2015 [[European migrant crisis]]. This contrasted with the stance of their main political opponents, the [[Civic Platform]], which have signed up to the commission's proposal.{{Cite web|url=https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/diminishing-solidarity-polish-attitudes-toward-european-migration-and-refugee-crisis|title=Diminishing Solidarity: Polish Attitudes toward the European Migration and Refugee Crisis|last=Bachman|first=Bart|date=15 June 2016|website=migrationpolicy.org|language=en|access-date=17 August 2019}} Consequently, in the campaign leading to the [[2015 Polish parliamentary election]], PiS adopted the discourse typical of the [[Right-wing populism|populist-right]], linking national security with immigration.[https://books.google.com/books?id=bvmGDwAAQBAJ&dq=%22Many+researchers+argue+that+Islamophobia+is+rooted+in+Polish%22+%22earlier+anti-Semitic+clich%C3%A9s%22&pg=PA39 The Everyday Politics of Migration Crisis in Poland: Between Nationalism, Fear and Emphathy], Palgrave Macmillan, Krzysztof Jaskulowski, 2019, pages 38–45 Following the election, PiS sometimes utilised Islamophobic rhetoric to rally its supporters.{{Cite journal|title=Migration and Lived Experiences of Racism: The Case of High-Skilled Migrants in Wrocław, Poland|first1=Krzysztof|last1=Jaskulowski|first2=Marek|last2=Pawlak|date=11 April 2019|journal=International Migration Review|volume=54|issue=2|pages=447–470|doi=10.1177/0197918319839947|doi-access=free}} Examples of anti-migration and anti-[[Islam]] comments by PiS politicians when discussing the European migrant crisis:{{cite web|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/jul/02/poles-dont-want-immigrants-they-dont-understand-them-dont-like-them|title='Poles don't want immigrants. They don't understand them, don't like them'|first=Adam | last=Leszczyński |date=2 July 2015|work=The Guardian}} in 2015, [[Jarosław Kaczyński]] stated that Poland can not accept any refugees because "they could spread infectious diseases."{{cite news|url=https://www.reuters.com/article/us-europe-migrants-poland-idUSKCN0S918B20151015|title=Polish opposition warns refugees could spread infectious diseases|date=15 October 2015|work=Reuters}} In 2017, the first Deputy Minister of Justice [[Patryk Jaki]] stated that "stopping [[Islamization]] is his [[Battle of Westerplatte|Westerplatte]]".{{Cite web|url=https://www.rp.pl/Polityka/305099893-Kto-chce-zakazac-Koranu-w-Polsce.html|title=Kto chce zakazać Koranu w Polsce|website=www.rp.pl}} In 2017, Interior minister of Poland [[Mariusz Błaszczak]] stated that he would like to be called "[[Charles Martel|Charles the Hammer]] who [[Battle of Tours|stopped the Muslim invasion]] of Europe in the 8th century". In 2017, Deputy Speaker of the Sejm [[Joachim Brudziński]] stated during the pro-party rally in [[Siedlce]]; "if not for us (PiS), they (Muslims) would have built mosques in here (Poland)."{{cite web|url=https://warszawa.onet.pl/w-siedlcach-wiec-poparcia-dla-rzadu-pis/5bmyl5f|title=W Siedlcach wiec poparcia dla rządu PiS|date=9 September 2017|access-date=14 August 2018}} ==Structure== === Party leaders === {| class="wikitable" ! No. ! Image ! Chairman ! Tenure |- | align="center" | '''1''' | {{CSS image crop|Image =Lech Kaczynski 2002 (cropped).png|bSize = 170|cWidth = 120|cHeight = 150|oTop = 25|oLeft = 22}} | [[Lech Kaczyński]] | 13 June 2001 – 18 January 2003 |- | align="center" | '''2''' | {{CSS image crop|Image =Jarosław Kaczyński 15 March 2024 (cropped).jpg|bSize = 185|cWidth = 120|cHeight = 150|oTop = 18|oLeft = 32}} | [[Jarosław Kaczyński]] | 18 January 2003 – ''Incumbent'' |- |} '''Vice-chairmen''': * [[Mariusz Błaszczak]] * [[Joachim Brudziński]] * [[Tobiasz Bocheński]] * [[Przemysław Czarnek]] * [[Patryk Jaki]] * [[Anna Krupka]] * [[Antoni Macierewicz]] * [[Mateusz Morawiecki]] * [[Beata Szydło]] * [[Elżbieta Witek]] * [[Zbigniew Ziobro]] '''Treasurer''': * Henryk Kowalczyk '''Spokesperson''': * [[Rafał Bochenek]] '''Party discipline spokesman''': * [[Karol Karski]] '''Chairman of the Executive Committee''': * [[Piotr Milowański]] '''President of the Parliamentary Club''': * [[Mariusz Błaszczak]] ==Election results== ===Presidential=== {| class=wikitable |- ! rowspan=2|Election year ! rowspan=2|Candidate ! colspan=2|1st round ! colspan=2|2nd round |- ! # of overall votes ! % of overall vote ! # of overall votes ! % of overall vote |- ! [[2005 Polish presidential election|2005]] | '''[[Lech Kaczyński]]''' | 4,947,927 | 33.1 (#2) | 8,257,468 | 54.0 ('''#1''') |- ! [[2010 Polish presidential election|2010]] | [[Jarosław Kaczyński]] | 6,128,255 | 36.5 (#2) | 7,919,134 | 47.0 (#2) |- ! [[2015 Polish presidential election|2015]] | '''[[Andrzej Duda]]''' | 5,179,092 | 34.8 ('''#1''') | 8,719,281 | 51.5 ('''#1''') |- ! [[2020 Polish presidential election|2020]] | ''Supported '''[[Andrzej Duda]]''''' | 8,450,513 | 43.5 ('''#1''') | 10,440,648 | 51.0 ('''#1''') |- ! [[2025 Polish presidential election|2025]] | ''Supported '''[[Karol Nawrocki]]''''' | 5,790,804 | 29.5 (#2) | 10,606,877 | 50.9 ('''#1''') |} ===Sejm=== {| class=wikitable |- ! Election ! Leader ! Votes ! % ! Seats ! +/– ! Government |- ! rowspan="3" | [[2001 Polish parliamentary election|2001]] | rowspan="3" |[[Lech Kaczyński]] | rowspan="3" | 1,236,787 | rowspan="3" | 9.5 (#4) | rowspan="3" |{{Composition bar|44|460|{{party color|Law and Justice (2001-2005)}}}} | rowspan="3" | New | {{no2|[[Democratic Left Alliance (Poland)|SLD]]–[[Labour Union (Poland)|UP]]–[[Polish People's Party|PSL]] (2001-2003)}} |- | {{no2|[[Democratic Left Alliance (Poland)|SLD]]–[[Labour Union (Poland)|UP]] Minority (2003-2004)}} |- |{{no2|[[Democratic Left Alliance (Poland)|SLD]]-[[Labour Union (Poland)|UP]]-[[Social Democracy of Poland|SDPL]] Minority (2004-2005)}} |- ! rowspan="3" | [[2005 Polish parliamentary election|2005]] | rowspan="12"| [[Jarosław Kaczyński]] | rowspan="3" | 3,185,714 | rowspan="3" | 27.0 ('''#1''') | rowspan="3" | {{Composition bar|155|460|{{party color|Law and Justice (2001-2005)}}}} | rowspan="3" | {{increase}} 111 |{{yes2|[[Law and Justice (Poland)|PiS]] Minority (2005-2006)}} |- | {{yes| PiS–[[Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland|SRP]]–[[League of Polish Families|LPR]] (2006-2007)}} |- |{{yes2|[[Law and Justice (Poland)|PiS]] Minority (2007)}} |- ! [[2007 Polish parliamentary election|2007]] | 5,183,477 | 32.1 (#2) | {{Composition bar|166|460|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{increase}} 11 | {{no2|[[Civic Platform|PO]]–[[Polish People's Party|PSL]]}} |- ! [[2011 Polish parliamentary election|2011]] | 4,295,016 | 29.9 (#2) | {{Composition bar|157|460|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{decrease}} 9 | {{no2|[[Civic Platform|PO]]–[[Polish People's Party|PSL]]}} |- ! rowspan="2" | [[2015 Polish parliamentary election|2015]] | 5,711,687 | 37.6 ('''#1''') | {{Composition bar|193|460|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{increase}} 36 | {{yes|PiS}} |- | colspan="5" |As a part of the [[United Right (Poland)|United Right]] coalition, which won 235 seats in total.{{Cite web|url=https://www.aftermarket.pl/domena/prawapolityka.pl/|title=Offer to sell domain: prawapolityka.pl|website=www.aftermarket.pl}} |- ! rowspan="2" |[[2019 Polish parliamentary election|2019]] | 8,051,935 | 43.6 ('''#1''') | {{Composition bar|187|460|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{decrease}} 6 | {{yes|PiS}} |- | colspan="5" |As a part of the [[United Right (Poland)|United Right]] coalition, which won 235 seats in total. |- ! rowspan="4" |[[2023 Polish parliamentary election|2023]] | rowspan="3" |7,640,854 | rowspan="3" |35.4 ('''#1''') | rowspan="3" |{{Composition bar|161|460|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | rowspan="3" |{{decrease}} 26 | {{yes2|[[Law and Justice (Poland)|PiS]] Minority (2023)}} |- | {{no2|[[Civic Coalition (Poland)|KO]]–[[Poland 2050|PL2050]]–[[Polish Coalition|KP]]–[[New Left (Poland)|NL]] (2023-2026)}} |- |{{no2|[[Civic Coalition (Poland)|KO]]–[[Polish Coalition|KP]]–[[New Left (Poland)|NL]]–[[Poland 2050|PL2050]]–[[Centre (Polish parliamentary group)|C]] (2026-present)}} |- | colspan="6" |As a part of the [[United Right (Poland)|United Right]] coalition, which won 194 seats in total. |} ===Senate=== {| class=wikitable |- ! Election ! Seats ! +/– ! Majority |- ! rowspan="2" | [[2001 Polish parliamentary election|2001]] | {{Composition bar|0|100|hex=#00a0ae}} | New |{{no2|Opposition}} |- | colspan="3" |As part of the [[Senate 2001]] coalition, which won 15 seats. |- ! rowspan="3" |[[2005 Polish parliamentary election|2005]] | rowspan="3" |{{Composition bar|49|100|{{party color|Law and Justice (2001-2005)}}}} | rowspan="3" | {{increase}} 49 |{{yes2|[[Law and Justice (Poland)|PiS]] Minority (2005-2006)}} |- |{{yes| Coalition (2006-2007)}} |- |{{yes2|[[Law and Justice (Poland)|PiS]] Minority (2007)}} |- ! [[2007 Polish parliamentary election|2007]] | {{Composition bar|39|100|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{decrease}} 10 |{{no2|Opposition}} |- ! [[2011 Polish parliamentary election|2011]] | {{Composition bar|31|100|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{decrease}} 8 |{{no2|Opposition}} |- ! [[2015 Polish parliamentary election|2015]] | {{Composition bar|61|100|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{increase}} 30 |{{yes|PiS}} |- ! rowspan="2" | [[2019 Polish parliamentary election|2019]] | {{Composition bar|38|100|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{decrease}} 23 |{{no2|Opposition}} |- | colspan="3" |As part of the [[United Right (Poland)|United Right]] coalition, which won 48 seats. |- ! rowspan="2" |[[2023 Polish parliamentary election|2023]] |{{Composition bar|29|100|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} |{{decrease}} 9 |{{no2|Opposition}} |- | colspan="3" |As part of the [[United Right (Poland)|United Right]] coalition, which won 34 seats. |} ===European Parliament=== {| class=wikitable style="text-align:center;" |- ! Election ! Leader ! Votes ! % ! Seats ! +/– ! EP Group |- ! [[2004 European Parliament election in Poland|2004]] | rowspan="7" | [[Jarosław Kaczyński]] | 771,858 | 12.67 (#3) | {{Composition bar|7|54|{{party color|Law and Justice (2001-2005)}}}} | New | [[Union for Europe of the Nations|UEN]] |- ! [[2009 European Parliament election in Poland|2009]] | 2,017,607 | 27.40 (#2) | {{Composition bar|15|50|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{increase}} 8 | [[European Conservatives and Reformists Group|ECR]] |- ! [[2014 European Parliament election in Poland|2014]] | 2,246,870 | 31.78 (#2) | {{Composition bar|15|51|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{steady}} 0 | [[European Conservatives and Reformists Group|ECR]] |- ! rowspan="2" | [[2019 European Parliament election in Poland|2019]] | 6,192,780 | 45.38 ('''#1''') | {{Composition bar|21|51|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{increase}} 6 | [[European Conservatives and Reformists Group|ECR]] |- | colspan="5" |As part of the [[United Right (Poland)|United Right]] coalition, that won 27 seats in total. |- ! rowspan="2" | [[2024 European Parliament election in Poland|2024]] | 4,253,169 | 36.16 (#2) | {{Composition bar|18|53|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{decrease}} 3 | [[European Conservatives and Reformists Group|ECR]] |- | colspan="5" |As part of the [[United Right (Poland)|United Right]] coalition, that won 20 seats in total. |} *Currently 16: Zdzisław Krasnodębski is elected from the PiS register, but not a member of the party, Mirosław Piotrowski left PiS (08.10.2014), Marek Jurek is a member of Right Wing of the Republic. ===Regional assemblies=== {| class=wikitable |- ! Election year ! % of
vote ! # of
overall seats won ! +/– |- ! rowspan="2"| [[2002 Polish local elections|2002]] | 12.1 (#4) | {{Composition bar|79|561|hex=#B2BEB5}} | New |- | colspan="3" |In coalition with [[Civic Platform]] as [[POPiS]]. |- ! [[2006 Polish local elections|2006]] | 25.1 (#2) | {{Composition bar|170|561|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{increase}} 91 |- ! [[2010 Polish local elections|2010]] | 23.1 (#2) | {{Composition bar|141|561|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{decrease}} 29 |- ! [[2014 Polish local elections|2014]] | 26.9 ('''#1''') | {{Composition bar|171|555|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{increase}} 30 |- ! [[2018 Polish local elections|2018]] | 34.1 ('''#1''') | {{Composition bar|254|552|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{increase}} 83 |- ! [[2024 Polish local elections|2024]] | 34.3 ('''#1''') | {{Composition bar|239|552|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{decrease}} 15 |} ===County councils=== {| class=wikitable |- ! Election year ! % of
vote ! # of
overall seats won ! +/– |- ! rowspan="2"| [[2002 Polish local elections|2002]] | 12.1 (#4) | {{Composition bar|48|6294|hex=#B2BEB5}} | New |- | colspan="3" |In coalition with [[Civic Platform]] as [[POPiS]]. |- ! [[2006 Polish local elections|2006]] | 19.8 (#1) | {{Composition bar|1242|6284|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{increase}} 1194 |- ! [[2010 Polish local elections|2010]] | 17.3 (#2) | {{Composition bar|1085|6290|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{decrease}} 157 |- ! [[2014 Polish local elections|2014]] | 23.5 ('''#1''') | {{Composition bar|1514|6276|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{increase}} 429 |- ! [[2018 Polish local elections|2018]] | 30.5 ('''#1''') | {{Composition bar|2114|6244|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{increase}} 600 |- ! [[2024 Polish local elections|2024]] | 30.0 ('''#1''') | {{Composition bar|2080|6170|hex={{party color|Law and Justice}}}} | {{decrease}} 34 |} ===Mayors=== {|class=wikitable !Election !No. !Change |- ![[2002 Polish local elections|2002]] |2 |New |- ![[2006 Polish local elections|2006]] |77 |{{increase}} 75 |- ![[2010 Polish local elections|2010]] |37 |{{decrease}} 40 |- ![[2014 Polish local elections|2014]] |124 |{{increase}} 87 |- ![[2018 Polish local elections|2018]] |234 |{{increase}} 110 |- ![[2024 Polish local elections|2024]] |105 |{{decrease}} 129 |} ===Presidents of the Republic of Poland=== {| class="wikitable plainrowheaders" style="text-align:center" |- !Name !Image !From !To |- |[[Lech Kaczyński]] |[[File:Lech Kaczyński.jpg|60px]] |23 December 2005 |10 April 2010 |- |[[Andrzej Duda]] |[[File:Andrzej Duda portret.JPG|60px]] |6 August 2015 |6 August 2025 |- |[[Karol Nawrocki]] |[[File:Karol_Nawrocki_(2025)_(cropped).jpg|60px]] |6 August 2025 |''incumbent'' |} ===Prime Ministers of the Republic of Poland=== {| class="wikitable plainrowheaders" style="text-align:center" |- !Name !Image !From !To |- |[[Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz]] |[[File:Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz 2005.jpg|60px]] |31 October 2005 |14 July 2006 |- |[[Jarosław Kaczyński]] |[[File:Jarosław Kaczyński (5) (cropped 2).jpg|60px]] |14 July 2006 |16 November 2007 |- |[[Beata Szydło]] |[[File:Beata Szydło - Tallinn Digital Summit 2017 (cropped 3).jpg|60px]] |16 November 2015 |11 December 2017 |- |[[Mateusz Morawiecki]] |[[File:Mateusz_Morawiecki_Prezes_Rady_Ministrów_(cropped).jpg|60px]] |11 December 2017 |13 December 2023 |} ===Voivodeship Marshals=== {| class="wikitable plainrowheaders" style="text-align:center" |+ !Name !Image !Voivodeship !Date vocation |- |[[Jarosław Stawiarski]] |[[File:J. Stawiarski.jpg|90px]] |[[Lublin Voivodeship]] |21 November 2018 |- |{{Ill|Władysław Ortyl|lt=Władysław Ortyl|pl|Władysław Ortyl}} |[[File:Władysław Ortyl Kancelaria Senatu.jpg|60px]] |[[Podkarpackie Voivodeship]] |27 May 2013 |- |[[Łukasz Smółka]] |[[File:Łukasz Smółka (cropped).jpg|60px]] |[[Lesser Poland Voivodeship]] |4 July 2024 |} === Representation in regional assemblies === Table last updated on 1 October 2025 {| class=wikitable |- ! Voivodeship ! Seats ! Governance |- ![[Lower Silesian Regional Assembly|Lower Silesian]] | {{Composition bar|6|36|hex=#263778}} | style=" background:pink;" | Opposition |- ![[Kuyavian-Pomeranian Regional Assembly|Kuyavian-Pomeranian]] | {{Composition bar|11|30|hex=#263778}} | style=" background:pink;" | Opposition |- ![[Lublin Regional Assembly|Lublin]] | {{Composition bar|21|33|hex=#263778}} | style=" background:palegreen;" | Majority |- ![[Lubusz Regional Assembly|Lubusz]] | {{Composition bar|10|30|hex=#263778}} | style=" background:pink;" | Opposition |- ![[Łódź Regional Assembly|Łódź]] | {{Composition bar|16|33|hex=#263778}} | style=" background:pink;" | Opposition |- ![[Lesser Poland Regional Assembly|Lesser Poland]] | {{Composition bar|21|39|hex=#263778}} | style=" background:palegreen;" | Majority |- ![[Masovian Regional Assembly|Masovian]] | {{Composition bar|20|51|hex=#263778}} | style=" background:pink;" | Opposition |- ![[Opole Regional Assembly|Opole]] | {{Composition bar|10|30|hex=#263778}} | style=" background:pink;" | Opposition |- ![[Subcarpathian Regional Assembly|Subcarpathian]] | {{Composition bar|21|33|hex=#263778}} | style=" background:palegreen;" | Majority |- ![[Podlaskie Regional Assembly|Podlaskie]] | {{Composition bar|12|30|hex=#263778}} | style=" background:pink;" | Opposition |- ![[Pomeranian Regional Assembly|Pomeranian]] | {{Composition bar|10|33|hex=#263778}} | style=" background:pink;" | Opposition |- ![[Silesian Regional Assembly|Silesian]] | {{Composition bar|18|45|hex=#263778}} | style=" background:pink;" | Opposition |- ![[Świętokrzyskie Regional Assembly|Świętokrzyskie]] | {{Composition bar|14|30|hex=#263778}} | style=" background:palegreen;" | PiS-[[Renewal of the Republic of Poland|ONRP]] |- ![[Warmian-Masurian Regional Assembly|Warmian-Masurian]] | {{Composition bar|11|30|hex=#263778}} | style=" background:pink;" | Opposition |- ![[Greater Poland Regional Assembly|Greater Poland]] | {{Composition bar|15|39|hex=#263778}} | style=" background:pink;" | Opposition |- ![[West Pomeranian Regional Assembly|West Pomeranian]] | {{Composition bar|10|30|hex=#263778}} | style=" background:pink;" | Opposition |- ! style="text-align:left;" colspan="2"|All seats||{{Composition bar|226|552|hex=#263778}} |} ==See also== {{Portal|Conservatism|Poland|Politics}} {{Div col|colwidth=21em}} * [[2010 Polish Air Force Tu-154 crash]] * [[List of Law and Justice politicians]] * [[Polish constitutional crisis, 2015]] * [[Polish nationalism]] {{Div col end}} == Explanatory notes == {{notelist}} ==Citations== {{Reflist}} == General references == * {{cite book |last=Jungerstam-Mulders |first=Susanne |year=2006 |title=Post-Communist EU Member States: Parties and Party Systems |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=iNa6l58HNWoC |publisher=Ashgate Publishing |location=London |isbn=978-0-7546-4712-6}} * {{cite book |last=Maier |first=Michaela |author2=Tenscher, Jens |year=2004 |title=Campaigning in Europe – Campaigning for Europe |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=j9NjsybIcgoC |publisher=LIT Verlag Münster |location=Münster |isbn=978-3-8258-9322-4}} * {{cite book |last=Myant |first=Martin R. |author2=Cox, Terry |year=2008 |title=Reinventing Poland: Economic and Political Transformation and Evolving National Identity |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Hx9WwqCbKo8C |publisher=Routledge |location=London |isbn=978-0-415-45175-8}} ==External links== {{Commons category|Prawo i Sprawiedliwość}} * {{Official website}} {{Polish political parties}} {{European Conservatives and Reformists Party}} {{Authority control}} {{DEFAULTSORT:Law And Justice}} [[Category:Law and Justice| ]] [[Category:2001 establishments in Poland]] [[Category:Christian political parties in Poland]] [[Category:Conservative parties in Poland]] [[Category:Euroscepticism in Poland]] [[Category:National conservative parties]] [[Category:Organisations that oppose LGBTQ rights in Poland]] [[Category:Opposition to same-sex marriage in Europe]] [[Category:Organisations based in Warsaw]] [[Category:Paternalistic conservatism]] [[Category:Political parties established in 2001]] [[Category:Political parties in Poland]] [[Category:Political parties that oppose LGBTQ rights in Europe]] [[Category:Right-wing parties in Europe]] [[Category:Right-wing populist parties]] [[Category:Socially conservative parties]]