{{short description|Regime combining autocratic and democratic features}} {{confuse|Mixed government}} {{use dmy dates|date=April 2026}} {{politics|expanded=Systems}} {{basic forms of government|expanded=Related}} A '''hybrid regime'''{{efn| name=terms |Scholars use a variety of terms to encompass the "grey zones" between full [[autocracies]] and full [[democracies]].{{citation | last=Gagné | first=Jean-François | title=Oxford Bibliographies in Political Science | chapter=Hybrid Regimes | publisher=Oxford University Press (OUP) | date=Mar 10, 2015 | doi=10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0167 | page= | isbn=978-0-19-785914-8 }} Such terms include: competitive authoritarianism, semi-authoritarianism, hybrid authoritarianism, electoral authoritarianism, [[liberal autocracy]], [[delegative democracy]], [[illiberal democracy]], [[guided democracy]], [[semi-democracy]], deficient democracy, [[defective democracy]], and hybrid democracy.{{cite web | last=Plattner | first=Marc F. | title=Is Democracy in Decline? | website=kipdf.com | date=1969-12-31 | url=https://kipdf.com/is-democracy-in-decline_5ac6f5411723ddcc8fb724a7.html | access-date=2022-12-27 | archive-date=2023-04-06 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230406072325/https://kipdf.com/is-democracy-in-decline_5ac6f5411723ddcc8fb724a7.html | url-status=live }}{{cite web | title=Hybrid Concepts and the Concept of Hybridity | website=European Consortium for Political Research | date=2019-09-07 | url=https://ecpr.eu/Events/Event/SectionDetails/833 | access-date=2022-11-18 | archive-date=2023-04-06 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230406033502/https://ecpr.eu/Events/Event/SectionDetails/833 | url-status=live }}{{cite journal | last=Urribarri | first=Raul A. Sanchez | title=Courts between Democracy and Hybrid Authoritarianism: Evidence from the Venezuelan Supreme Court | journal=Law & Social Inquiry | publisher=Wiley | volume=36 | issue=4 | year=2011 | issn=0897-6546 | jstor=41349660 | pages=854–884 | doi=10.1111/j.1747-4469.2011.01253.x | s2cid=232400805 | url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/41349660 | access-date=2022-11-16 | archive-date=2022-11-16 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221116180345/https://www.jstor.org/stable/41349660 | url-status=live | url-access=subscription }}{{cite book | last=Göbel | first=Christian | title=21st Century Political Science: A Reference Handbook | chapter=Semiauthoritarianism | publisher=SAGE Publications, Inc. | publication-place=2455 Teller Road, Thousand Oaks California 91320 United States | year=2011 | doi=10.4135/9781412979351.n31 | pages=258–266| isbn=9781412969017 }}{{cite web | last=Tlemcani | first=Rachid | title=Electoral Authoritarianism | website=Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | date=2007-05-29 | url=https://carnegieendowment.org/posts/2007/05/electoral-authoritarianism?lang=en | access-date=2022-11-16 | archive-date=2023-04-06 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230406060958/https://carnegieendowment.org/2007/05/29/electoral-authoritarianism-pub-19176 | url-status=live }}{{cite web | title=What is Hybrid Democracy? | website=Digital Society School | date=2022-05-19 | url=https://digitalsocietyschool.org/insight/what-is-hybrid-democracy/ | access-date=2022-11-16 | archive-date=2023-04-05 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230405140705/https://digitalsocietyschool.org/insight/what-is-hybrid-democracy/ | url-status=live }}{{cite journal | last=Zinecker | first=Heidrun | title=Regime-Hybridity in Developing Countries: Achievements and Limitations of New Research on Transitions | journal=International Studies Review | publisher=[Oxford University Press, Wiley, The International Studies Association] | volume=11 | issue=2 | year=2009 | issn=1521-9488 | jstor=40389063 | pages=302–331 | doi=10.1111/j.1468-2486.2009.00850.x | url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/40389063 | access-date=2022-11-18 | archive-date=2022-11-16 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221116230253/https://www.jstor.org/stable/40389063 | url-status=live | url-access=subscription }}{{cite web | title=Index | website=Dem-Dec | date=2017-09-23 | url=https://www.democratic-decay.org/index | access-date=2022-11-21 | archive-date=2022-11-21 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221121150914/https://www.democratic-decay.org/index | url-status=live }}}} is a type of [[political system]] often created as a result of an incomplete [[democratic transition]] from an [[authoritarian]] regime to a [[Democracy|democratic]] one (or vice versa).{{efn| name=transition |Debates over what can be called "hybrid" still exist, see [[#Definition|Hybrid regime § Definition]].}} Hybrid regimes are categorized as having a combination of [[autocratic]] features with democratic ones and can simultaneously hold [[political repression]]s and regular [[election]]s. According to some definitions and measures, hybrid regimes are commonly found in [[developing countries]] with abundant natural resources such as [[petro-state]]s.{{cite book | last1=Croissant | first1=A. | last2=Kailitz | first2=S. | last3=Koellner | first3=P. | last4=Wurster | first4=S. | title=Comparing autocracies in the early Twenty-first Century: Volume 1: Unpacking Autocracies - Explaining Similarity and Difference | publisher=Taylor & Francis | year=2015 | isbn=978-1-317-70018-0 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3rNACwAAQBAJ&pg=PA212 | access-date=Nov 27, 2022 | page=212 | archive-date=December 9, 2022 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221209013939/https://books.google.com/books?id=3rNACwAAQBAJ&pg=PA212 | url-status=live }}{{cite journal |last1=Carothers |first1=Christopher |title=The Surprising Instability of Competitive Authoritarianism |journal=Journal of Democracy |date=2018 |volume=29 |issue=4 |pages=129–135 |doi=10.1353/jod.2018.0068 |s2cid=158234306 |url=https://muse.jhu.edu/article/705723/summary |issn=1086-3214|url-access=subscription }} Although these regimes experience [[civil unrest]], they may be relatively stable and tenacious for decades at a time. There has been a rise in hybrid regimes since the end of the [[Cold War]].{{cite journal | last1=Levitsky | first1=Steven | last2=Way | first2=Lucan | title=The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism | journal=Journal of Democracy | publisher=Project Muse | volume=13 | issue=2 | year=2002 | issn=1086-3214 | doi=10.1353/jod.2002.0026 | pages=51–65| s2cid=6711009 }}{{cite web | title=Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes After the Cold War | website=Department of Political Science | url=https://politics.utoronto.ca/publication/competitive-authoritarianism-hybrid-regimes-after-the-cold-war/ | access-date=2022-11-16 | archive-date=2023-04-06 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230406112609/https://politics.utoronto.ca/publication/competitive-authoritarianism-hybrid-regimes-after-the-cold-war/ | url-status=live }} The term ''hybrid regime'' arises from a polymorphic view of political regimes that oppose the dichotomy of [[autocracy]] or [[democracy]].{{Cite web|last1=Gagné |first1=Jean-François |url=https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780199756223/obo-9780199756223-0167.xml|title=Hybrid Regimes|website=obo|date=2015 |doi=10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0167 |isbn=978-0-19-785914-8 |access-date=2019-08-13|archive-date=2019-07-29|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190729153059/https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780199756223/obo-9780199756223-0167.xml|url-status=live}} Modern scholarly analysis of hybrid regimes focuses attention on the decorative nature of [[democratic institution]]s (elections do not lead to a change of power, different media broadcast the government point of view, and the opposition in [[parliament]] votes the same way as the ruling party, among others).{{cite journal | last=Mufti | first=Mariam | title=What Do We Know about Hybrid Regimes after Two Decades of Scholarship? | journal=Politics and Governance | publisher=Cogitatio | volume=6 | issue=2 | date=Jun 22, 2018 | issn=2183-2463 | doi=10.17645/pag.v6i2.1400 | pages=112–119| s2cid=158943827 | doi-access=free }} While most maintain a veneer of democracy to appease international standards, some scholars contend these regimes deliberately imitate a full dictatorship to project strength and suppress internal dissent.{{cite book | last=Schedler | first=Andreas | title=The Politics of Uncertainty | chapter=Shaping the Authoritarian Arena | publisher=Oxford University Press | date=Aug 1, 2013 | doi=10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199680320.003.0003 | pages=54–75| isbn=978-0-19-968032-0 }}{{cite book | last=Brooker | first=P. | title=Non-Democratic Regimes | publisher=Bloomsbury Publishing | series=Comparative Government and Politics | year=2013 | isbn=978-1-137-38253-5 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Xo9KEAAAQBAJ&pg=PA222 | access-date=Nov 27, 2022 | page=222 | archive-date=December 9, 2022 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221209013941/https://books.google.com/books?id=Xo9KEAAAQBAJ&pg=PA222 | url-status=live }} Overall, there is no consensus among researchers about how hybrid regimes should be defined or measured. Accordingly, there is much disagreement about which countries are considered to be hybrid regimes, and any description of what typical hybrid regimes look like needs to be seen in the context of specific definitions and measures.{{Cite journal |last=Schmid |first=Jonas Willibald |title=Electoral autocracies, hybrid regimes, and multiparty autocracies: same, same but different? |journal=Democratization |date=2025 |issue=6 |volume=32 |pages=1565–1588 |doi=10.1080/13510347.2025.2476183 |issn=1351-0347|doi-access=free }} [[Democratic backsliding]] is the primary cause of the growth of [[#Typology|hybrid regime typologies]].{{cite book | last1=Gagné | first1=Jean-François | last2=Mahé | first2=Anne-Laure | title=The SAGE Handbook of Political Science | chapter=Hybrid Regimes | date=2020 | doi=10.4135/9781529714333.n50 | isbn=978-1-5297-1433-3 | chapter-url=https://doi.org/10.4135/9781529714333.n50 }} ==Definition== Scholars vary on the definition of hybrid regimes based on their primary [[academic discipline]].{{cite journal | last=Cassani | first=Andrea | title=Hybrid what? Partial consensus and persistent divergences in the analysis of hybrid regimes | journal=International Political Science Review | publisher=SAGE | volume=35 | issue=5 | date=September 3, 2013 | issn=0192-5121 | doi=10.1177/0192512113495756 | pages=542–558| s2cid=144881011 }} According to Christoph Mohamad-Klotzbach, "Some scholars argue that deficient democracies and deficient autocracies can be seen as examples of hybrid regimes, whereas others argue that hybrid regimes combine characteristics of both democratic and autocratic regimes." Scholars also debate if these regimes are in transition or are inherently a stable political system.{{cite journal | last=Ekman | first=Joakim | title=Political Participation and Regime Stability: A Framework for Analyzing Hybrid Regimes | journal=International Political Science Review | volume=30 | issue=1 | year=2009 | issn=0192-5121 | doi=10.1177/0192512108097054 | pages=7–31| s2cid=145077481 | doi-access=free }}{{cite book | last=Baker | first=A. | title=Shaping the Developing World: The West, the South, and the Natural World | publisher=SAGE | year=2021 | isbn=978-1-0718-0709-5 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EPwWEAAAQBAJ&pg=PT202 | access-date=2023-04-23 | page=202 | archive-date=2023-04-23 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230423045105/https://books.google.com/books?id=EPwWEAAAQBAJ&pg=PT202 | url-status=live }}{{cite book | title = How Dictatorships Work | chapter = Why Parties and Elections in Dictatorships? | year = 2018 | pages = 129–153 | publisher = Cambridge University Press | doi =10.1017/9781316336182.006 | isbn = 9781316336182 | url = }}{{cite book | last=Riaz | first=Ali | chapter=What is a Hybrid Regime? | title=Voting in a Hybrid Regime | series=Politics of South Asia | publisher=Springer | publication-place=Singapore | year=2019 | isbn=978-981-13-7955-0 | issn=2523-8345 | doi=10.1007/978-981-13-7956-7_2 | pages=9–19| s2cid=198088445 }}{{cite book | last=Schmotz | first=Alexander | title=The Handbook of Political, Social, and Economic Transformation | chapter=Hybrid Regimes | publisher=Oxford University Press | date=2019-02-13 | doi=10.1093/oso/9780198829911.003.0053 | pages=521–525| isbn=978-0-19-882991-1 }}{{cite book | last=Morlino | first=Leonardo | title=Changes for DemocracyActors, Structures, Processes | chapter=Are There Hybrid Regimes? | publisher=Oxford University Press | date=2011-11-01 | doi=10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572533.003.0004 | pages=48–69| isbn=978-0-19-957253-3 }}{{cite book |last1=Подлесный |first1=Д. В. |date=2016 |title=Политология: Учебное пособие |trans-title=Political Science: Textbook |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2Sc8DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA62 |access-date=2019-08-13 |language=ru |location=Kharkiv |publisher=ХГУ НУА |pages=62–65/164 |archive-date=2023-04-22 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230422130227/https://books.google.com/books?id=2Sc8DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA62 |url-status=live }}{{cite news |url=https://www.vedomosti.ru/opinion/articles/2014/08/15/carstvo-imitacii |title=Царство политической имитации |trans-title=The kingdom of political imitation |last=Schulmann |first=Ekaterina |newspaper=Ведомости |date=15 August 2014 |access-date=2019-08-13 |archive-date=2019-07-30 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190730095022/https://www.vedomosti.ru/opinion/articles/2014/08/15/carstvo-imitacii |url-status=live }} In 1995, [[Terry Karl]] introduced the notion of a "hybrid" regime, which was simply defined as "combining democratic and authoritarian elements".{{cite book | last1=Colomer | first1=J. M. | last2=Beale | first2=A. L. | title=Democracy and Globalization: Anger, Fear, and Hope | publisher=Taylor & Francis | year=2020 | isbn=978-1-000-05363-0 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9AfpDwAAQBAJ&pg=PT180 | access-date=2022-12-27 | page=180 | archive-date=2023-04-04 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230404064503/https://books.google.com/books?id=9AfpDwAAQBAJ&pg=PT180 | url-status=live }} According to Professor [[Matthijs Bogaards]], hybrid types are:{{cite journal |last=Bogaards |first=Matthijs |year=2009 |title=How to classify hybrid regimes? Defective democracy and electoral authoritarianism |journal=Democratization |volume=16 |issue=2 |pages=399–423 |doi=10.1080/13510340902777800 |issn=1351-0347 |s2cid=145315763}}{{blockquote | not diminished subtypes, since they do not lack the full development of a characteristic, but rather they exhibit a mixture of characteristics of both basic types, so that they simultaneously combine autocratic and democratic dimensions or institutions}} [[Pippa Norris]] defined hybrid regimes as:{{cite journal | last=Norris | first=Pippa | authorlink=Pippa Norris | title=Is Western Democracy Backsliding? Diagnosing the Risks | journal=SSRN Electronic Journal | publisher=[[Elsevier]] | location=Rochester, New York | year=2017 | issn=1556-5068 | doi=10.2139/ssrn.2933655 | page= | s2cid=157117940 | url=https://research.hks.harvard.edu/publications/getFile.aspx?Id=1514 | access-date=2022-12-09 | archive-date=2023-04-04 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230404021613/https://research.hks.harvard.edu/publications/getFile.aspx?Id=1514 | url-status=live }} {{blockquote |a system characterized by weak checks and balances on executive powers, flawed or even suspended elections, fragmented opposition forces, state restrictions on media freedoms, intellectuals, and civil society organizations, curbs on the independence of the judiciary and disregard for rule of law, the abuse of human rights by the security forces, and tolerance of authoritarian values. }} [[Henry E. Hale]] defined hybrid regimes as:{{cite journal | last=Hale | first=Henry E. | title=Eurasian Polities as Hybrid Regimes: The Case of Putin's Russia | journal=Journal of Eurasian Studies | publisher=SAGE Publications | volume=1 | issue=1 | year=2010 | issn=1879-3665 | doi=10.1016/j.euras.2009.11.001 | pages=33–41}} {{blockquote | a political regime that combines some democratic and some autocratic elements in a significant manner. It is not, however, a mere half-way category: hybrid regimes have their own distinct dynamics that do not simply amount to half of what we would see in a democracy plus half of what we would see in an autocracy.}} [[Leonardo Morlino]] defined hybrid regimes as:{{cite journal | last=Hameed | first=Dr. Muntasser Majeed | title=Hybrid regimes: An Overview | journal=IPRI Journal | volume=22 | issue=1 | date=2022-06-30 | doi=10.31945/iprij.220101 | pages=1–24| doi-access=free }} {{blockquote |a set of institutions that have been persistent, be they stable or unstable, for about a decade, have been preceded by authoritarianism, a traditional regime (possibly with colonial characteristics), or even a minimal democracy and are characterized by the break-up of limited pluralism and forms of independent, autonomous participation, but the absence of at least one of the four aspects of a minimal democracy}} Professor [[Jeffrey C. Isaac]] defined hybrid regimes as:{{cite book | last=Isaac | first=J. C. | title=Democracy in Dark Times | publisher=Cornell University Press | year=1998 | isbn=978-0-8014-8454-4 | page=199}} {{blockquote |Hybrid regimes have the common feature that they all have competition, although the political elite in power deliberately rearranges state regulations and the political arena so as to grant itself undue advantages.}} === History === [[File:Countries democratizing or autocratizing substantially and significantly 2010–2020.svg|upright=1.6|thumb|Countries [[autocratizing]] (red) or [[democratizing]] (blue) substantially and significantly (2010–2020). Countries in grey are substantially unchanged.{{cite book | last1=Newton | first1=Kenneth | last2=van Deth | first2=Jan W. | title=Foundations of comparative politics: democracies of the modern world | publication-place=Cambridge, United Kingdom | date=2021 | isbn=978-1-108-92494-8 | oclc=1156414956 | page=}}]] The [[third wave of democratization]] from the 1970s onward has led to the emergence of hybrid regimes that are neither fully democratic nor fully authoritarian.{{cite book | last=Huntington | first=S. P. | title=The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late 20th Century | publisher=University of Oklahoma Press | series=The Julian J. Rothbaum Distinguished Lecture Series | year=2012 | isbn=978-0-8061-8604-7 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=IMjyTFG04JYC | access-date=November 16, 2022 | page=}} Neither the concept of [[illiberal democracy]] nor the concept of electoral authoritarianism fully describes these hybrid regimes.Matthijs Bogaards. 2009. *How to Classify Hybrid Regimes? Defective Democracy and Electoral Authoritarianism". ''Democratization'' 16 (2): 399–423.{{cite web | last=Gagné | first=Jean-François | title=Hybrid Regimes | website=obo | date=2019-05-02 | url=https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780199756223/obo-9780199756223-0167.xml | access-date=2022-11-19 | archive-date=2019-07-29 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190729153059/https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780199756223/obo-9780199756223-0167.xml | url-status=live }} Since the end of the [[Cold War]], such regimes gradually outnumbered the classical dictatorships.{{cite book | first1 = Leonardo | last1 = Morlino | first2 = Dirk | last2 = Berg-Schlosser | first3 = Bertrand | last3 = Badie | date = 6 March 2017 | title = Political Science: A Global Perspective | publisher = SAGE | pages = 112ff | isbn = 978-1-5264-1303-1 | oclc = 1124515503 | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=qhcjDgAAQBAJ&pg=PA112 | access-date = 16 November 2022 | archive-date = 16 November 2022 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20221116232001/https://books.google.com/books?id=qhcjDgAAQBAJ&pg=PA112 | url-status = live }}Andreas Schedler, ed. (2006). ''Electoral Authoritarianism: The Dynamics of Unfree Competition''. Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner. Authoritarian regimes change, and when countries [[liberalization|liberalize]], limited elections tend to follow, sooner or later. "Liberal democracy" is often purported when, in fact, this process basically froze "halfway."Yonatan L. Morse (January 2012). [https://www.jstor.org/stable/41428375?read-now=1&seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents "Review: The Era of Electoral Authoritarianism"]. ''World Politics'' 64(1). pp. 161—198. {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210729165819/https://www.jstor.org/stable/41428375?read-now=1&seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents |date=2021-07-29 }}. In relation to regimes that were previously called "transitional" in the 1980s, the term ''hybrid regime'' began to be used. According to [[Thomas Carothers]]:{{blockquote |the majority of “transitional countries” are neither completely dictatorial nor aspiring to democracy, and by and large they cannot be called transitional. They are located in the politically stable gray zone, changes in which may not take place for decades. Thus, he stated that hybrid regimes must be considered without the assumption that they will ultimately become democracies. These hybrid regimes were called semi-authoritarianism or electoral authoritarianism.{{cite journal | last=Dam | first=Caspar ten | title=Democratic Transition, Transformation and Development in times of War and Peace: Conceptualisations and Observations | website=ResearchGate | volume=4 | issue=2 | date=Feb 17, 2017 | url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/314114407 | access-date=Aug 22, 2024 | pages=5–18}}}} Hybrid regimes have evolved to lean more authoritarian while keeping some democratic traits.{{Cite book |url=https://global.oup.com/academic/product/authoritarianism-9780190880200?cc=us&lang=en& |title=Authoritarianism: What Everyone Needs to Know |date=2018-09-04 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0-19-088020-0 |location=Oxford and New York |access-date=2023-03-03 |archive-date=2023-03-03 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230303211117/https://global.oup.com/academic/product/authoritarianism-9780190880200?cc=us&lang=en& |url-status=live }} One of the main issues with authoritarian rule is the ability to control the threats from the masses, and democratic elements in hybrid regimes can reduce social tension between the masses and the elite.{{Cite web |title=Foundations of Comparative Politics |edition=4th |isbn=9781108831826 |url=https://www.vitalsource.com/products/foundations-of-comparative-politics-kenneth-newton-jan-w-van-v9781108934909 |access-date=2023-03-03 |website=VitalSource |language=en |archive-date=2023-03-02 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230302170731/https://www.vitalsource.com/products/foundations-of-comparative-politics-kenneth-newton-jan-w-van-v9781108934909 |url-status=live }} After the [[third wave of democratization]], some regimes became stuck in the transition to democracy, causing the creation of weak democratic institutions.{{Cite journal |last1=Rocha Menocal |first1=Alina |last2=Fritz |first2=Verena |last3=Rakner |first3=Lise |date=2008-06-01 |title=Hybrid regimes and the challenges of deepening and sustaining democracy in developing countries |url=https://doi.org/10.1080/10220460802217934 |journal=South African Journal of International Affairs |volume=15 |issue=1 |pages=29–40 |doi=10.1080/10220460802217934 |s2cid=55589140 |issn=1022-0461|url-access=subscription }} This results from a lack of institutional ownership during critical points in the transition period leading the regime into a gray zone between democracy and autocracy.{{Cite report |last1=Stroh |first1=Alexander |last2=Elischer |first2=Sebastian |last3=Erdmann |first3=Gero |date=2012 |title=Origins and Outcomes of Electoral Institutions in African Hybrid Regimes: A Comparative Perspective |publisher=German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA) |jstor=resrep07499 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep07499 |access-date=2023-03-03 |archive-date=2023-03-03 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230303205803/https://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep07499 |url-status=live }} These developments have caused some scholars to believe that hybrid regimes are not poorly functioning democracies, but rather new forms of [[authoritarian regimes]].{{Cite journal |last=Ekman |first=Joakim |date=2009 |title=Political Participation and Regime Stability: A Framework for Analyzing Hybrid Regimes |journal=International Political Science Review |volume=30 |issue=1 |pages=7–31 |doi=10.1177/0192512108097054 |jstor=20445173 |s2cid=145077481 |issn=0192-5121 |doi-access=free }} Defective democratic stability is an indicator to explain and measure these new forms of autocracies.{{Cite book |chapter-url=https://academic.oup.com/book/7722/chapter/152849448 |access-date=2023-03-03 |website=Oxford University Press |doi=10.1093/oso/9780198829911.003.0053 |chapter=Hybrid Regimes |year=2019 |last1=Schmotz |first1=Alexander |title=The Handbook of Political, Social, and Economic Transformation |pages=521–525 |isbn=978-0-19-882991-1 |archive-date=2023-04-22 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230422130239/https://academic.oup.com/book/7722/chapter-abstract/152849448?redirectedFrom=fulltext |url-status=live }} Additionally, approval ratings of political leaders play an important role in these types of regimes, and democratic elements can drive up the ratings of a [[Political strongman|strongman]] leader, creating a tool not utilized previously.{{Cite journal |last=Treisman |first=Daniel |date=2011 |title=Presidential Popularity in a Hybrid Regime: Russia under Yeltsin and Putin |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/23024939 |journal=American Journal of Political Science |volume=55 |issue=3 |pages=590–609 |doi=10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00500.x |jstor=23024939 |issn=0092-5853 |access-date=2023-03-03 |archive-date=2023-03-24 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230324171256/https://www.jstor.org/stable/23024939 |url-status=live |url-access=subscription }} As of the 2020s, 'hybrid regime' is a term used to explain a growing field of political development where authoritarian leaders incorporate elements of democracy that stabilize their regimes.{{Cite journal |last=Morlino |first=Leonardo |date=July 2009 |title=Are there hybrid regimes? Or are they just an optical illusion? |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/european-political-science-review/article/abs/are-there-hybrid-regimes-or-are-they-just-an-optical-illusion/9579E8628A2F0AD84889973B3577735D |journal=European Political Science Review |language=en |volume=1 |issue=2 |pages=273–296 |doi=10.1017/S1755773909000198 |s2cid=154947839 |issn=1755-7747 |access-date=2023-03-03 |archive-date=2023-03-03 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230303205629/https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/european-political-science-review/article/abs/are-there-hybrid-regimes-or-are-they-just-an-optical-illusion/9579E8628A2F0AD84889973B3577735D |url-status=live |url-access=subscription }} {{Clear}} == Indicators== [[File:BTI 2022 DEM.jpg|thumb|upright=1.4| Global trend report [[Bertelsmann Transformation Index]] 2022{{cite web | title=Global Dashboard | website=BTI 2022 | url=https://bti-project.org/en/reports/global-dashboard?&cb=00000 | access-date=April 17, 2023 | archive-date=April 17, 2023 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230417052038/https://bti-project.org/en/reports/global-dashboard?&cb=00000 | url-status=live }}]] According to [[Guillermo O'Donnell]], [[Philippe C. Schmitter]], [[Larry Diamond]], and [[Thomas Carothers]], signs of a hybrid regime include:{{cite web | title=Nations in Transit Methodology | website=Freedom House | date=2021-12-31 | url=https://freedomhouse.org/reports/nations-transit/nations-transit-methodology | access-date=2022-11-19 | archive-date=2023-03-18 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230318075913/https://freedomhouse.org/reports/nations-transit/nations-transit-methodology | url-status=live }} # The presence of external attributes of democracy (elections, multi-party system, legal opposition). # A low degree of representation of the interests of citizens in the process of political decision-making (incapacity of associations of citizens, for example, [[trade union]]s, or that they are in state control). # A low level of political participation. # The declarative nature of political rights and freedoms (formally, there is in fact difficult implementation).{{Clarify|date=August 2026}} # A low level of trust in political institutions by its citizenry. ===Transition types=== {{further|Democratic transition}} ====Autocratization==== [[File:Number of countries experiencing autocratization and democratization, 1900–2000.jpg|thumb|upright=1.4|Since {{circa|2010}}, the [[Democratic backsliding by country|number of countries autocratizing]] (blue) is higher than those [[democratizing]] (yellow).]] {{Excerpt|Democratic backsliding|only=paragraph|hat=no}} ====Democratization==== {{Excerpt|Democratization|only=paragraph|hat=no|paragraphs=1,2}} {{Clear}} ==Measurement == {{Main|Democracy indices}} {{further|Democratic backsliding by country}} There are various democratic freedom indices produced by academic researchers and [[International organization|intergovernmental]] [[non-governmental organization]]s that publish assessments of the world's political systems, according to their own definitions, and many of them include measures of hybrid regimes.{{cite web | last=Greenwood | first=Shannon | title=Appendix A: Classifying democracies | website=Pew Research Center's Global Attitudes Project | date=2022-12-06 | url=https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2022/12/06/online-civic-engagement-spring-2022-appendix-a-classifying-democracies/ | access-date=2022-12-27 | archive-date=2023-03-05 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230305225610/https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2022/12/06/online-civic-engagement-spring-2022-appendix-a-classifying-democracies/ | url-status=live }} However, because these various indices use different definitions and methodologies, they often disagree on which countries should be classified as hybrid regimes. ===Democracy Index=== [[File:DemocracyIndexChart.jpg|thumb|upright=1.6|Democracy index types]] According to the ''[[Democracy Index]]'' compiled by the [[Economist Intelligence Unit]], there are 34 hybrid regimes, representing approximately 20% of countries, encompassing 17.2% to 20.5% of the world's population. The EIU Democracy Index is "based on ratings across 60 indicators, grouped into five categories: electoral process and pluralism, civil liberties, the functioning of government, political participation, and political culture." The Democracy Index defines hybrid regimes with the following characteristics: * Electoral fraud or irregularities occur regularly * Pressure is applied to political opposition * Corruption is widespread and rule of law tends to be weak * Media is pressured and harassed * There are issues in the functioning of governance [[File:Economist Intelligence Unit Democracy Index 2024.svg|alt=|right|thumb|upright=1.6|The 2024 [[Economist Intelligence Unit]] ''[[Democracy Index]]''{{Cite web |url=https://www.eiu.com/n/campaigns/democracy-index-2024/ |title=Democracy Index 2024 |website=[[Economist Intelligence Unit|EIU.com]] |url-access=registration |access-date=27 February 2025}} {{Col-begin}} {{Col-break}} '''Full democracies''' {{Legend|#0c3091|9.00–10.00}} {{legend|#2f5cd5|8.00–8.99}} '''Flawed democracies''' {{legend|#6bd2df|7.00–7.99}} {{legend|#c3eded|6.00–6.99}} {{Col-break}} '''Hybrid regimes''' {{legend|#f9f8bb|5.00–5.99}} {{legend|#fad45d|4.00–4.99}} {{Col-break}} '''Authoritarian regimes''' {{legend|#da820f|3.00–3.99}} {{legend|#a8261f|2.00–2.99}} {{legend|#66000f|1.00–1.99}} {{legend|#240011|0.00–0.99}} {{Col-end}}]] As of 2024, the countries considered hybrid regimes by the "Democracy Index" are: {{div col|colwidth=10em|rules=yes|gap=2em}} * [[Romania]] * [[Papua New Guinea]] * [[Senegal]] * [[Paraguay]] * [[Malawi]] * [[Zambia]] * [[Peru]] * [[Fiji]] * [[Bhutan]] * [[Liberia]] * [[Armenia]] * [[Hong Kong]] * [[Honduras]] * [[Madagascar]] * [[Mexico]] * [[Georgia (country)|Georgia]] * [[Ecuador]] * [[Tanzania]] * [[Bosnia and Herzegovina]] * [[Kenya]] * [[Morocco]] * [[Ukraine]] * [[Tunisia]] * [[El Salvador]] * [[Nepal]] * [[Guatemala]] * [[Uganda]] * [[Gambia]] * [[Bangladesh]] * [[Benin]] * [[Sierra Leone]] * [[Bolivia]] * [[Turkey]] * [[Ivory Coast]] * [[Nigeria]] * [[Angola]] {{div col end}}{{Clear}} ===Global State of Democracy Report=== According to the "Global State of Democracy Report" by [[International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance]] (IDEA), there are twenty hybrid regimes.{{cite web | title=The Global State of Democracy | website=Publications | date=2021-11-22 | url=https://www.idea.int/democracytracker/publications | access-date=2022-12-27 | archive-date=2023-03-08 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230308175332/https://idea.int/democracytracker/publications | url-status=live }} International IDEA compiles data from 12 different sources, including expert surveys and observational data, which includes the extent to which voting rights are inclusive. IDEA defined hybrid regimes as:{{cite web | title=FAQs – The Global State of Democracy Indices | website=International IDEA | date=2021-12-31 | url=https://www.idea.int/gsod-indices/faqs#How%20current%20are%20the%20data? | access-date=2022-12-27 | archive-date=2023-04-04 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230404021608/https://www.idea.int/gsod-indices/faqs#How%20current%20are%20the%20data? | url-status=live }} {{blockquote|combining elements of authoritarianism with democracy ... These often adopt the formal characteristics of democracy (while allowing little real competition for power) with weak respect for basic political and civil rights}} As of 2021 the countries considered hybrid regimes by the "Global State of Democracy Report" are:{{cite book | author=International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance | title=The Global State of Democracy 2021: Building resilience in a Pandemic Era | date=2021 | isbn=978-91-7671-478-2 | oclc=1288461480 }} {{div col|colwidth=10em|rules=yes|gap=2em}} * [[Angola]] * [[Benin]] * [[Ivory Coast|Côte d'Ivoire]] * [[Democratic Republic of the Congo]] * [[Ethiopia]] * [[Gabon]] * [[Jordan]] * [[Kuwait]] * [[Kyrgyzstan]] * [[Libya]] * [[Mauritania]] * [[Morocco]] * [[Mozambique]] * [[Nigeria]] * [[Serbia]] * [[Singapore]] * [[Tanzania]] * [[Togo]] * [[Tunisia]] * [[Turkey]] {{div col end}}{{Clear}} ===V-Dem Democracy Indices=== [[File:V-Dem Electoral Democracy Index 2025 Robinson World.svg|alt=|thumb|Map of [[V-Dem Democracy Indices|V-Dem Electoral Democracy Index]] in 2024{{cite web | title=Democracy Report 2025, 25 Years of Autocratization – Democracy Trumped? | url=https://v-dem.net/documents/54/v-dem_dr_2025_lowres_v1.pdf | access-date=14 March 2025}} {{Col-begin}} {{Col-break}} {{Legend|#0c3091|0.900–1.000}} {{legend|#2f5cd5|0.800–0.899}} {{legend|#6bd2df|0.700–0.799}} {{legend|#c3eded|0.600–0.699}} {{Col-break}} {{legend|#f9f8bb|0.500–0.599}} {{legend|#fad45d|0.400–0.499}} {{legend|#da820f|0.300–0.399}} {{legend|#a8261f|0.200–0.299}} {{Col-break}} {{legend|#66000f|0.100–0.199}} {{legend|#240011|0.000–0.099}} {{legend|#c0c0c0|No data}} {{Col-end}}|upright=1.6]] The [[V-Dem Democracy Indices]] compiled by the [[V-Dem Institute]] at the [[University of Gothenburg]] classify all political regimes worldwide into four primary types. The two intermediate categories, electoral autocracies and electoral democracies, lie in between the most democratic (liberal democracy) and most autocratic (closed autocracy).{{Cite web| title=V-Dem Codebook | url=https://www.v-dem.net/documents/70/codebook_v16.pdf | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20260317234813/https://v-dem.net/documents/70/codebook_v16.pdf | archive-date=2026-03-17}} In 2016, there were 118 countries in the electoral democracy and autocracy categories,{{cite journal | last1=Lührmann | first1=Anna | last2=Tannenberg | first2=Marcus | last3=Lindberg | first3=Staffan I. | title=Regimes of the World (RoW): Opening New Avenues for the Comparative Study of Political Regimes | journal=Politics and Governance | publisher=Cogitatio | volume=6 | issue=1 | date=March 19, 2018 | issn=2183-2463 | doi=10.17645/pag.v6i1.1214 | pages=60–77 | doi-access=free |url=https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1214/714|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231217114339/https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1214/714|archive-date=2023-12-17|url-status=live}}{{rp|76–77}} and in 2021 there were 115. The 115 countries in 2021 consisted of about 60% of the world's population.{{cite journal | last1=Boese | first1=Vanessa A. | last2=Lundstedt | first2=Martin | last3=Morrison | first3=Kelly | last4=Sato | first4=Yuko | last5=Lindberg | first5=Staffan I. | title=State of the world 2021: autocratization changing its nature? | journal=Democratization | volume=29 | issue=6 | date=2022-05-23 | issn=1351-0347 | doi=10.1080/13510347.2022.2069751 | pages=983–1013| s2cid=249031421 | doi-access=free }}{{rp|985}} ===Freedom House=== [[File:European Union neighbour states by freedom.svg|upright=1.3|thumb| Freedom House ratings for [[List of European Union member states by political system|European Union and surrounding states]], in 2019{{Cite web|url=https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/freedom-world-2019|title=Democracy in Retreat|author=[[Freedom House]]|date=2019-02-06|work=Freedom in the World|access-date=2019-02-06|archive-date=2019-02-05|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190205150927/https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/freedom-world-2019|url-status=live}} {{legend|#33CC33|Free}} {{legend|#FFCC00|Partly free}} {{legend|#FF3333|Not free}}]] [[Freedom House]] measures the level of political and economic governance in 29 countries from [[Central Europe]] to [[Central Asia]]. Freedom House assigns "scores to countries and territories across the globe on 10 indicators of political rights (e.g., whether there is a realistic opportunity for opposition parties to gain power through elections) and 15 indicators of civil liberties (e.g., whether there is a free and independent media)." Freedom House classifies transitional or hybrid regimes as:{{cite web | title=Countries and Territories | website=Freedom House | url=https://freedomhouse.org/countries/nations-transit/scores | access-date=Nov 25, 2024 | archive-date=March 26, 2023 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230326034325/https://freedomhouse.org/countries/nations-transit/scores | url-status=live }} {{Blockquote |Countries that are typically electoral democracies where democratic institutions are fragile and substantial challenges to the protection of political rights and civil liberties exist}} In 2024, Freedom House classified 11 of 29 countries analyzed as "Transitional or Hybrid Regimes": {{div col|colwidth=10em|rules=yes|gap=2em}} * [[Armenia]] * [[Georgia (country)|Georgia]] * [[Albania]] * [[Bosnia and Herzegovina]] * [[Kosovo]] * [[Ukraine]] * [[Hungary]] * [[Moldova]] * [[Serbia]] * [[North Macedonia]] * [[Montenegro]] {{div col end}}{{Clear}} == Characteristics == === Human rights === The instability of anocratic regimes causes [[human rights]] violations to be significantly higher within anocracies than democratic regimes.{{cite journal |author-last=Vreeland |author-first=James Raymond |date=2008 |title=The Effect of Political Regime on Civil War: Unpacking Anocracy |journal=Journal of Conflict Resolution |volume=52 |issue=3 |pages=401–425 |jstor=27638616 |doi=10.1177/0022002708315594 |citeseerx=10.1.1.584.1330 |s2cid=42071287 }}{{cite journal |author-last=Landman |author-first=Todd |date=July 2005 |title=The Political Science of Human Rights |journal=British Journal of Political Science |volume=35 |issue=3 |pages=549–572 |jstor=4092244 |doi=10.1017/s0007123405000293}} According to Maplecroft's 2014 Human Rights Risk Atlas, eight of the top ten worst human-rights-violating countries are anocracies.{{cite web |title=Maplecroft 2014 Global Risk Analytics |website=Maplecroft |url=http://maplecroft.com/about/news/ccvi.html }}{{cite news |author-last=Gates |author-first=Sara |date=4 December 2014 |title=The 10 Worst Countries For Human Rights |url=https://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/12/03/human-rights-risk-atlas-2014-violations-maplecroft_n_4374133.html |work=[[The Huffington Post]]}} In addition, the report categorized every current anocracy as "at risk" or at "extreme risk" of human rights offenses. The high correlation between anocratic regimes and human rights abuses denotes the nonlinear progression in a country's transition from an autocracy to a democracy.{{cite journal |author-last=Fein |author-first=Helen |s2cid=143733298 |date=February 1995 |title=Life Integrity Violations and Democracy in the World, 1987 |journal=Human Rights Quarterly |volume=7 |issue=1 |pages=170–191 |doi=10.1353/hrq.1995.0001 }}{{cite journal |author-last=Zanger |author-first=Sabine |date=March 2000 |title=A Global Analysis of the Effect of Political Regime Changes on Life Integrity Violations, 1977–93 |journal=Journal of Peace Research |volume=37 |issue=2 |pages=213–233 |jstor=424921 |doi=10.1177/0022343300037002006|s2cid=110502394 }}{{cite journal|author-last=Davenport |author-first=Christian |date=1996 |title='Constitutional Promises' and Repressive Reality: A Cross-National Time-Series Investigation of Why Political and Civil Liberties are Suppressed |journal=Journal of Politics |volume=58 |issue=3 |pages=627–654 |url=http://www.gvpt.umd.edu/davenport/jop1996.pdf |doi=10.2307/2960436 |jstor=2960436 |s2cid=154718714 }}{{dead link|date=July 2017 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }}{{cite journal |author-last1=Gartner |author-first1=S. S. |author-last2=Regan |author-first2=P. M. |s2cid=36644947 |date=1996 |title=Threat and repression: the non-linear relationship between government and opposition violence |journal=Journal of Peace Research |volume=33 |issue=3 |pages=273–288 |jstor=425316 |doi=10.1177/0022343396033003003}} Generally, human rights violations substantially decrease when a certain threshold of full democracy is reached.{{cite journal |author-first1=Christian |author-last1=Davenport |author-first2=David A. |author-last2=Armstrong |date=2004 |title=Democracy and the Violation of Human Rights: A Statistical Analysis from 1976 to 1996 |journal=American Journal of Political Science |volume=48 |issue=3 |pages=538–554 |jstor=1519915 |doi=10.1111/j.0092-5853.2004.00086.x}}{{cite book |author-last=Dahl |author-first=Robert |date=1966 |title=Political Opposition in Western Democracies |url=https://archive.org/details/politicalopposit00dahl |url-access=registration |publisher=[[Yale University Press]] |isbn=9780300094787}} However, human rights abuses tend to remain the same or even to increase as countries move from an autocratic to an anocratic regime.{{cite journal |author-first1=Patrick M. |author-last1=Regan |author-first2=Errol A. |author-last2=Henderson |date=2002 |title=Democracy, Threats and Political Repression in Developing Countries: Are Democracies Internally Less Violent? |journal=Third World Quarterly |volume=23 |issue=1 |pages=119–136 |jstor=3993579 |doi=10.1080/01436590220108207 |s2cid=33823017 }}{{cite journal |author-last=King |author-first=John |date=1998 |title=Repression, Domestic Threat, and Interactions in Argentina and Chile |journal=Journal of Political and Military Sociology |volume=25 |issue=2 |pages=1–27 |url=http://connection.ebscohost.com/c/articles/1390754/repression-domestic-threat-interactions-argentina-chile |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120327215601/http://connection.ebscohost.com/c/articles/1390754/repression-domestic-threat-interactions-argentina-chile |url-status=dead |archive-date=27 March 2012 |url-access=subscription}} During the revolutions of the [[Arab Spring]], [[Libya]], [[Egypt]], and [[Yemen]], all of the countries made relative progress towards more democratic regimes.{{cite journal |author-last1=Brown |author-first1=Nathan J. |author-last2=Hamzawy |author-first2=Amr |date=2007 |title=Arab Spring Fever |journal=The National Interest |issue=91 |pages=33–40 |jstor=42896072}} With many of the authoritarian practices of their governments remaining, those states currently fall under the category of anocracies.{{cite web |author-last1=Marshall |author-first1=Monty |title=Polity IV Project: Political Regime Characteristics and Transitions, 1800-2013 |url=http://www.systemicpeace.org/polity/polity4.htm |date=6 June 2014}} They are also listed as some of the most extreme human-rights-violating countries in the world. The violations include torture, police brutality, slavery, discrimination, unfair trials, and restricted [[freedom of expression]].{{cite book |author-last1=Williams |author-first1=Paul |author2=United Nations General Assembly |date=1981 |title=The International bill of human rights |url=https://archive.org/details/internationalbil00will |url-access=registration |publisher=Entwhistle Books |isbn=978-0-934558-07-5}} Research has shown that political protests, such as those that occurred during the Arab Spring, generally lead to an increase in human right violations, as the existing government tries to retain power and influence over governmental opposition.{{cite journal |first=Manuel Antonio |last=Garretón |author-link=Manuel Antonio Garretón |date=1994 |title=Human Rights in Processes of Democratisation |journal=Journal of Latin American Studies |volume=26 |issue=1 |pages=221–234 |doi=10.1017/s0022216x00018903|s2cid=145152038 }}{{cite journal |author-last=Francisco |author-first=R. A. |date=1996 |title=Coercion and protest: An empirical test in two democratic states |journal=American Journal of Political Science |volume=40 |issue=4 |pages=1179–1204 |doi=10.2307/2111747 |jstor=2111747}}{{cite journal|author-last=Lichbach |author-first=Mark Irving |date=1987 |title=Deterrence or Escalation? The Puzzle of Aggregate Studies of Repression and Dissent |journal=Journal of Conflict Resolution |volume=31 |issue=2 |pages=266–297 |url=http://www.gvpt.umd.edu/lichbach/publications/lichbach6.87.pdf |archive-url=https://wayback.archive-it.org/all/20131221021007/http://www.gvpt.umd.edu/lichbach/publications/lichbach6.87.pdf |url-status=dead |archive-date=21 December 2013 |doi=10.1177/0022002787031002003 |s2cid=146719897 }} Therefore, transitioning governments tend to have high levels of human rights abuses.{{cite journal |author-last1=Poe |author-first1=Steven C. |author-last2=Tate |author-first2=C. Neal |author-last3=Keith |author-first3=Linda Camp |date=1999 |title=Repression of the Human Right to Personal Integrity Revisited: A Global Cross-National Study Covering the Years 1976–1993 |journal=International Studies Quarterly |volume=43 |issue=2 |doi=10.1111/0020-8833.00121 |pages=291–313|doi-access=free }}{{cite journal |author-last=Lichbach |author-first=Mark |date=1984 |title=Regime Change and the Coherence of European Governments |journal=American Political Science Review |volume=80 |issue=3 |pages=1050–1051 |doi=10.2307/1960595 |jstor=1960595 |s2cid=147208080 }} In its annual Freedom in the World report, [[Freedom House]] scored states' violations of [[civil liberties]] on a seven-point scale, with a score of seven representing the highest percentage of violations.{{cite web |title=Freedom in the World 2014: Aggregate and Subcategory Scores |website=Freedom House |url=https://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world-aggregate-and-subcategory-scores#.VHJum1fF8o |date=14 March 2012 }} Freedom House defined civil liberty violations as the infringement of freedom of expression, associational and organizational rights, rule of law, and individual rights.{{cite web |title=Methodology |website=Freedom House |url=https://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world-2014/methodology#.VHJvwFfF8oZ |date=13 January 2014}} Most consolidated democracies received scores of one, but almost all anocracies were scored between four and six because of the high percentage of civil liberties violations in most anocratic regimes. === Violence === Statistics show that anocracies are ten times more likely to experience intrastate conflict than democracies and twice as likely as autocracies.{{cite web |author-last1=Gehem |author-first1=M. |author-last2=Marten |author-first2=P. |author-last3=Schellekens |author-first3=M. |date=2014 |title=Balancing on the Brink: Vulnerability of states in the Middle East and North Africa |location=Hague |publisher=The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies |volume=3 |issue=23 |url=http://www.hcss.nl/reports/download/146/2456/ |access-date=25 November 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150924025331/http://www.hcss.nl/reports/download/146/2456/ |archive-date=24 September 2015 |url-status=dead}} One explanation for the increase in violence and conflict within anocracies is a theory known as More Murder in the Middle (MMM).{{cite journal |author-last1=Hendrix |author-first1=Cullen S. |author-last2=Wong |author-first2=Wendy H. |date=July 2013 |title=When Is the Pen Truly Mighty? Regime Type and the Efficacy of Naming and Shaming in Curbing Human Rights Abuses |journal=British Journal of Political Science |volume=43 |issue=3 |pages=651–672 |jstor=23526248 |doi=10.1017/s0007123412000488 |s2cid=154774395 }} The theory argues that the unstable characteristics of anocratic regimes, which include the presence of divided elites, inequality, and violent challengers who threaten the legitimacy of the current social order, cause governing elites to resort to much more [[political repression]] or [[state terror]] than do democratic or authoritarian regimes. That leads to high levels of what are termed "life-integrity violations", which include state-sponsored genocide, extrajudicial executions, and torture.{{cite journal |author-last=Spirer |author-first=H. F. |date=1990 |title=Violations of Human Rights—How Many? |journal=American Journal of Economics and Sociology |volume=49 |issue=2 |pages=199–210 |doi=10.1111/j.1536-7150.1990.tb02272.x}} State life-integrity violations can be categorized as acts of state terror.{{cite journal |last1=Gibney |first1=Mark |last2=Wood |first2=Reed M. |year=2010 |title=The Political Terror Scale (PTS): A Re-Introduction and a Comparison to CIRI |journal=Human Rights Quarterly |volume=32 |issue=2 |pages=367–400 |doi=10.1353/hrq.0.0152 |url=http://www.politicalterrorscale.org/datafiles/hrq%20pts.pdf |access-date=25 November 2014 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120704034450/http://www.politicalterrorscale.org/datafiles/hrq%20pts.pdf |archive-date=4 July 2012}} Acts of [[terrorism]] by both governmental and outside groups are generally higher in transitioning anocratic governments than in either democratic or authoritarian regimes.{{cite journal |title=Three Strategies to Deal with Terrorism |first1=Bruno S. |last1=Frey |first2=Simon |last2=Luechinger |journal=Economic Papers |volume=27 |issue=2 |date=2 June 2008 |pages=107–114 |doi=10.1111/j.1759-3441.2008.tb01030.x |url=http://www.bsfrey.ch/articles/C_480_08.pdf |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150923194901/http://www.bsfrey.ch/articles/C_480_08.pdf |archive-date=23 September 2015 |access-date=30 December 2021}}{{cite web|title=Poverty, Political Freedom, and the Roots of Terrorism |url=http://core.kmi.open.ac.uk/download/pdf/6708194.pdf |url-status=live |access-date=30 December 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141222030207/http://core.kmi.open.ac.uk:80/download/pdf/6708194.pdf |archive-date=22 December 2014 }} [[Harvard]] Public Policy Professor [[Alberto Abadie]] argues that the tight control of an authoritarian regime is likely to discourage terrorist activities in the state. However, without the stability of a clear authoritarian rule or a [[consolidated democracy]], anocracies are more open and susceptible to terrorist attacks.{{cite journal |author-last1=Piazza |author-first1=J. A. |year=2008 |title=Incubators of terror: Do failed and failing states promote transnational terrorism? |journal=International Studies Quarterly |volume=52 |issue=3 |pages=469–488 |doi=10.1111/j.1468-2478.2008.00511.x|s2cid=154963630 }} He notes that in [[Iraq]] and previously [[Spain]] and [[Russia]], transitions from an authoritarian regime to a democracy were accompanied by temporary increases in terrorism.{{cite journal |author-last1=Abadie |author-first1=A. |author-last2=Gardeazabal |author-first2=J. |s2cid=6141454 |year=2003 |title=The Economic Costs of Conflict: A Case Study of the Basque Country |journal=American Economic Review |volume=93 |issue=1 |pages=113–131 |doi=10.1257/000282803321455188}} According to the [[political terror scale]] (PTS), a data set that ranks state sponsored violence on a five-point scale, almost every anocracy is ranked as having a score between three and five.{{cite web|title=The Political Terror Scale |url=https://www.politicalterrorscale.org/ |access-date=30 December 2021 |website=The Political Terror Scale}} On the scale, a score of three indicates that in a state, "there is extensive political imprisonment, or a recent history of such imprisonment. Execution or other political murders and brutality may be common. Unlimited detention, with or without a trial, for political views is accepted." States are ranked as a four when "civil and political rights violations have expanded to large numbers of the population. Murders, disappearances and torture are a common part of life. In spite of its generality, on this level terror affects those who interest themselves in politics or ideas." Scores of five are given to states if "terror has expanded to the whole population. The leaders of these societies place no limits on the means or thoroughness with which they pursue personal or ideological goals." Although only eleven states were given scores of five in the 2012 Political Terror Scale report, four of those states, the [[Democratic Republic of the Congo]], [[Eritrea]], [[Somalia]], and [[Sudan]], were classified by the [[Polity data series]] as anocracies. ===Civil war=== There are differing views on whether or not anocracy leads to civil war. It is debated whether or not transitions between government regimes or political violence lead to civil war. Civil wars in unstable countries are usually the outcome of a country's inability to meet the population's demands. The inability of the state to provide for the needs of the population leads to factionalism within the country. When factions are not able to get what they want, they take up arms against the state. Political scientist [[Barbara F. Walter]] has written that anocratic states are most at risk of civil war, with formerly dominant political groups more likely to start them than poorer and weaker groups.{{cite news |url=https://radio.wpsu.org/opinion/2023-04-17/democracy-works-how-civil-wars-start-and-how-to-stop-them |title=Democracy Works: How civil wars start, and how to stop them |first=Jenna |last=Spinelle |date=2023-04-17 |publisher=WPSU }} Former democracies that transition to anocracy have a greater risk of being embroiled in civil conflict.{{cite journal |author-last1=Regan |author-first1=Patrick |author-last2=Bell |author-first2=Sam |title=Changing Lanes or Stuck in the Middle: Why Are Anocracies More Prone to Civil Wars? |journal=Political Science Quarterly |date=December 2010 |volume=63 |issue=4 |pages=747–759 |doi=10.1177/1065912909336274 |s2cid=154960398 }} The population's awareness of what rights they had as a democratic society may compel them to fight to regain their rights and liberties. On the other hand, autocracies that transition into anocracies are less likely to break out in civil war. Not all anocracies are unstable. There are many{{citation needed|date=July 2019}} countries that are stable but are classified as anocracies, such as Russia.{{as of?|date=July 2019}} It is the transitional qualities associated with some anocracies that are predictive of civil conflict. The magnitude of the transition also affects the probability of a civil conflict. The higher the magnitude of the transition, the higher the likelihood of civil war. However, some international relations experts use the Polity data series in the formulation of their hypothesis and study, which presents a problem because the Polity IV system uses violence and civil war as factors in its computation of a country's Polity score.{{cite journal |author-last1=Gandhi |author-first1=Jennifer |author-last2=Vreeland |author-first2=James |title=Political Institutions and Civil War: Unpacking Anocracy |journal=Journal of Conflict Solutions |date=June 2008 |volume=52 |issue=3 |pages=401–425 |doi=10.1177/0022002708315594 |citeseerx=10.1.1.584.1330 |s2cid=42071287 }} Two components, "the degree of institutionalization, or regulation, of political competition", and "the extent of government restriction on political competition", are problematic to use in any study involving Polity IV and civil war in anocratic governments. In the numeric rating system of one of these parts of Polity IV, unregulated, "may or may be characterized by violent conflict among partisan groups." The other component states that "there are relatively stable and enduring political groups – but competition among them is intense, hostile, and frequently violent." The only thing that can be deduced concretely is that political violence tends to lead to civil war. There is no solid evidence to support that political institutions in an anocracy lead to civil war. === Broadness and complexity=== While the first three characteristics capture the instability of anocracies, another feature of anocratic regimes is their broad descriptiveness. Anocracy describes a regime type with a mix of institutional characteristics that either constrains or promotes the democratic process, "encapsulating a complex category encompassing many institutional arrangements". Although anocracies demonstrate some capacity for civil society and political participation, their autocratic and democratic counterparts show considerably more or less capabilities. Thus, while scholars are easily able to identify democratic and autocratic regimes based on their respective characteristics, anocracies become a wider, "catch-all" category for all other regimes. However, despite its broadness and complexity, the convention is still used because of its relevance to civil instability as well as its usage in the Polity data series.{{cite journal |author-last1=Gates |author-first1=Scott |author-last2=Hegre |author-first2=Havard |author-last3=Jones |author-first3=Mark P. |title=Institutional inconsistency and political instability: Polity duration 1800-2000 |journal=American Journal of Political Science |date=2006 |volume=50 |issue=4 |pages=893–908 |doi=10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00222.x}} == Typology == {{further|List of countries by system of government|List of forms of government}} [[File:Democracy claims.svg|thumb|upright=1.4|Countries in green '''claim''' to be a type of [[democracy]] while countries in red do not. Only [[Afghanistan]], [[Brunei]], [[Oman]], [[Saudi Arabia]], the [[United Arab Emirates|UAE]], [[Burkina Faso]] and the [[Vatican City|Vatican]] do not claim to be democratic.]] According to [[Yale]] professor [[Juan José Linz]], there are three main types of [[political systems]] today: [[democracies]], [[totalitarian regimes]], and, sitting between these two, [[authoritarian regimes]] with many different terms that describe specific types of hybrid regimes.{{cite book | last=Dobratz | first=B.A. | title=Power, Politics, and Society: An Introduction to Political Sociology | publisher=Taylor & Francis | year=2015 | isbn=978-1-317-34529-9 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=RoK9CgAAQBAJ&pg=PA47 | access-date=Apr 30, 2023 | page=47 | archive-date=April 30, 2023 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230430083243/https://books.google.com/books?id=RoK9CgAAQBAJ&pg=PA47 | url-status=live }}{{cite book | author1 = [[Juan José Linz]] | date = 2000 | title = Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes | publisher = Lynne Rienner Publisher | pages = 143 | isbn = 978-1-55587-890-0 | oclc = 1172052725 | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=8cYk_ABfMJIC&pg=PA143 | access-date = 2022-11-19 | archive-date = 2023-04-22 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20230422130238/https://books.google.com/books?id=8cYk_ABfMJIC&pg=PA143 | url-status = live }}{{cite book | editor = Jonathan Michie | date = 3 February 2014 | title = Reader's Guide to the Social Sciences | publisher = Routledge | page = 95 | isbn = 978-1-135-93226-8 | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=ip_IAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA95 | access-date = 19 November 2022 | archive-date = 22 April 2023 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20230422130238/https://books.google.com/books?id=ip_IAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA95 | url-status = live }} Academics generally refer to a full [[dictatorship]] as either a form of [[authoritarianism]] or [[totalitarianism]] over a "hybrid system."{{cite book | editor1 = Allan Todd | editor2 = Sally Waller | author1 = Allan Todd | author2 = Sally Waller | date = 10 September 2015 | title = History for the IB Diploma Paper 2 AuthoritariaAuthoritarian States (20th Century) | publisher = Cambridge University Press | pages = 10– | isbn = 978-1-107-55889-2 | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=y_pfCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA10 | access-date = 19 November 2022 | archive-date = 22 April 2023 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20230422130238/https://books.google.com/books?id=y_pfCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA10 | url-status = live }}{{Cite journal |last1 = Sondrol |first1 = P. C. |s2cid = 144333167 |title = Totalitarian and Authoritarian Dictators: A Comparison of Fidel Castro and Alfredo Stroessner |journal = Journal of Latin American Studies |volume = 23 |issue = 3 |year = 2009 |pages = 599–620 |doi = 10.1017/S0022216X00015868 |jstor = 157386 |url = https://www.jstor.org/stable/157386 |access-date = 2022-11-19 |archive-date = 2023-03-08 |archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20230308100323/https://www.jstor.org/stable/157386 |url-status = live |url-access = subscription }} Authoritarian governments that conduct elections are, in many scholars view, not hybrids, but are successful, well-institutionalised stable authoritarian regimes.{{cite book | last=Schedler | first=Andreas | title=The SAGE Handbook of Comparative Politics | chapter=Electoral Authoritarianism | publisher=SAGE Publications Ltd | publication-place=1 Oliver's Yard, 55 City Road, London EC1Y 1SP United Kingdom | year=2009 | doi=10.4135/9780857021083.n21 | pages=380–393| isbn=9781412919760 }}[https://scholar.google.com/citations?hl=en&user=OS0bKLwAAAAJ#d=gs_md_cita-d&u=%2Fcitations%3Fview_op%3Dview_citation%26hl%3Den%26user%3DOS0bKLwAAAAJ%26citation_for_view%3DOS0bKLwAAAAJ%3A2osOgNQ5qMEC%26tzom%3D-180 Levitsky and Way 2002] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221230223648/https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=OS0bKLwAAAAJ&hl=en#d=gs_md_cita-d&u=%2Fcitations%3Fview_op%3Dview_citation%26hl%3Den%26user%3DOS0bKLwAAAAJ%26citation_for_view%3DOS0bKLwAAAAJ%3A2osOgNQ5qMEC%26tzom%3D-180 |date=2022-12-30 }}; [https://muse.jhu.edu/article/16690/summary T. Karl 1995] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210301233426/https://muse.jhu.edu/article/16690/summary |date=2021-03-01 }}; [https://scholar.google.com/citations?hl=en&user=VPgc_xUAAAAJ#d=gs_md_cita-d&u=%2Fcitations%3Fview_op%3Dview_citation%26hl%3Den%26user%3DVPgc_xUAAAAJ%26citation_for_view%3DVPgc_xUAAAAJ%3AZeXyd9-uunAC%26tzom%3D-180 L. Diamond 1999] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230131201240/https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=VPgc_xUAAAAJ&hl=en#d=gs_md_cita-d&u=%2Fcitations%3Fview_op%3Dview_citation%26hl%3Den%26user%3DVPgc_xUAAAAJ%26citation_for_view%3DVPgc_xUAAAAJ%3AZeXyd9-uunAC%26tzom%3D-180 |date=2023-01-31 }}; [https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=RJER1xQAAAAJ#d=gs_md_cita-d&u=%2Fcitations%3Fview_op%3Dview_citation%26hl%3Den%26user%3DRJER1xQAAAAJ%26citation_for_view%3DRJER1xQAAAAJ%3Au5HHmVD_uO8C%26tzom%3D-180 A. Schedler 2002] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221230223646/https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=RJER1xQAAAAJ#d=gs_md_cita-d&u=%2Fcitations%3Fview_op%3Dview_citation%26hl%3Den%26user%3DRJER1xQAAAAJ%26citation_for_view%3DRJER1xQAAAAJ%3Au5HHmVD_uO8C%26tzom%3D-180 |date=2022-12-30 }}[[Barbara Geddes]] — Why Parties and Elections in Authoritarian Regimes?; Department of Political Science; March 2006 Democratic elements can simultaneously serve authoritarian purposes and contribute to democratization.{{cite journal | last=Brancati | first=Dawn | title=Democratic Authoritarianism: Origins and Effects | journal=Annual Review of Political Science | publisher=Annual Reviews | volume=17 | issue=1 | date=May 11, 2014 | issn=1094-2939 | doi=10.1146/annurev-polisci-052013-115248 | pages=313–326}} === Electoral authoritarianism === Electoral authoritarianism means that democratic institutions are imitative and, due to numerous systematic violations of liberal democratic norms, in fact adhere to authoritarian methods.{{citation | last=Schedler | first=Andreas | title=Emerging Trends in the Social and Behavioral Sciences | chapter=Electoral Authoritarianism | publisher=Wiley | date=May 15, 2015 | doi=10.1002/9781118900772.etrds0098 | pages=1–16| isbn=9781118900772 }} Electoral authoritarianism can be competitive and hegemonic, and the latter does not necessarily mean election irregularities. A. Schedler calls electoral authoritarianism a new form of authoritarian regime, not a hybrid regime or [[illiberal democracy]]. Moreover, a purely authoritarian regime does not need elections as a source of [[Legitimacy (political)|legitimacy]],{{cite journal |last=Гудков |first=Лев |date=2009 |title=Природа "Путинизма" |trans-title=The nature of "Putinism" |url=https://cyberleninka.ru/article/v/priroda-putinizma |journal=Вестник Общественного Мнения. Данные. Анализ. Дискуссии. |volume=3 |pages=13 |access-date=2019-08-13 |archive-date=2019-08-13 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190813112950/https://cyberleninka.ru/article/v/priroda-putinizma |url-status=live }} while non-alternative elections, appointed at the request of the ruler, are not a sufficient condition for considering the regime conducting them to be hybrid. {{Excerpt|Electoral autocracy|only=paragraph|paragraph=1,2,3}} === Illiberal democracy === {{Excerpt|Illiberal democracy|only=paragraph|paragraph=1,2,3}} === Dominant-party system === {{Excerpt|Dominant-party system|only=paragraph|paragraph=1}} === Delegative democracy=== {{Excerpt|Delegative democracy|only=paragraph|paragraph=1,2,3}} === Dictablanda=== {{Excerpt|Dictablanda|only=paragraph|paragraph=1,2,3}} ===Guided democracy=== {{Excerpt|Guided democracy|only=paragraph|paragraph=1,2,3}} ===Liberal autocracy=== {{Excerpt|Liberal autocracy|only=paragraph}} ===Semi-democracy=== [[File:Political Regime – distinction democracies and full democracies, OWID.svg|thumb|upright=1.2|Map of the world published by [[Our World in Data]] in 2015, showing countries color-coded according to their regime type, which was based on their score in the Polity IV data set. Closed anocracies are shown in orange (scores between −5 and 0) and open anocracies are shown in yellow (scores between 1 and 5).{{cite web|url=https://ourworldindata.org/grapher/political-regime-updated2016-distinction-democracies-and-full-democracies |title=Political Regime – distinction democracies and full democracies |website=[[Our World in Data]]}}]] '''Anocracy''', or '''semi-democracy''',{{cite book |author-last=Quigley |author-first=Carroll |year=1983 |title=Weapons systems and political stability: a history |publisher=University Press of America |isbn=978-0-8191-2947-5 |page=307 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=L6e2AAAAIAAJ |access-date=20 May 2013}} is a [[form of government]] that is loosely defined as part [[democracy]] and part [[dictatorship]],{{cite journal |author-last1=Fearon |author-first1=James |author-last2=Laitan |author-first2=David |date=February 2003 |title=Ethnicity, Insurgency, and Civil War |journal=American Political Science Review |doi=10.1017/S0003055403000534 |s2cid=8303905 |volume=97 |pages=75–90 |doi-broken-date=30 August 2026 }} or as a "regime that mixes democratic with autocratic features". Another definition classifies anocracy as "a regime that permits some means of participation through opposition group behavior, but that has incomplete development of mechanisms to redress grievances."{{cite journal |author-last1=Benson |author-first1=Michelle |author-last2=Kugler |author-first2=Jackek |date=April 1998 |title=Power Parity, Democracy, and Severity of Internal Violence |journal=Journal of Conflict Resolution |doi=10.1177/0022002798042002004 |s2cid=143823486 |volume=42 |issue=2 |pages=196–209}} The term "semi-democratic" is reserved for stable regimes that combine democratic and [[authoritarian]] elements.{{cite book|author-last=Montesquieu |title=Spirit of the Laws |volume=II |chapter=2–3}}{{Cite book |last=Everdell |first=William R. |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=HPEqlNkCGvcC |title=The End of Kings: A History of Republics and Republicans |date=2000-04-15 |publisher=University of Chicago Press |isbn=978-0-226-22482-4 |language=en}} Scholars distinguish anocracies from [[autocracy|autocracies]] and democracies in their capability to maintain authority, political dynamics, and policy agendas.{{cite report |author-last1=Marshall |author-first1=Monty G. |author-last2=Gurr |author-first2=Ted Robert |date=2003 |title=Peace and conflict 2003: A global survey of armed conflicts, self-determination movements, and democracy. |location=College Park |publisher=Center for International Development and Conflict Management, University of Maryland |url=https://www.systemicpeace.org/vlibrary/PeaceConflict2003.pdf }} Anocratic regimes have democratic institutions that allow for nominal amounts of competition. Such regimes are particularly susceptible to outbreaks of armed conflict and unexpected or adverse changes in leadership.{{cite journal |author-last1=Marshall |author-first1=Monty G. |author-last2=Cole |author-first2=Benjamin R. |date=23 July 2014 |title=Global Report 2014 - Conflict, Governance, and State Fragility |journal=Center for Systemic Peace |url=http://www.systemicpeace.org/vlibrary/GlobalReport2014.pdf}} The operational definition of anocracy is extensively used by scholars Monty G. Marshall and Benjamin R. Cole at the [[Center for Systemic Peace]],{{Cite web |title=index |url=https://www.systemicpeace.org/ |access-date=2023-01-18 |website=www.systemicpeace.org}} and that definition was widely disseminated through the [[Polity data series]]. This data set aims to measure democracy in different states and uses anocracy as one of its classifications for regime type.{{cite web |author=Center for Systemic Peace |title=PolityProject |url= http://www.systemicpeace.org/polityproject.html}} Consequently, anocracy frequently appears in democratization literature that utilizes the Polity data set.{{cite journal |author-last1=Seawright |author-first1=Jason |author-last2=Collier |author-first2=David |s2cid=14026291 |title=Rival Strategies of Validation: Tools for Evaluating Measure of Democracy |journal=Comparative Political Studies |date=2014 |volume=47 |issue=1 |pages=111–138 |doi=10.1177/0010414013489098}} Anocratic regimes are known for having [[guided democracy]] instead of [[liberal democracy]]. They combine authoritarian powers with some democratic practices, for example holding elections that are competitive to some degree. In a closed anocracy, competitors are drawn from the elite. In an open anocracy, others also compete. The number of anocratic regimes has steadily increased over time, with the most notable jump occurring after the [[end of the Cold War]]. From 1989 to 2013, the number of anocracies increased from 30 to 53.{{TOC limit|3}} ====Etymology==== Use of the word “anocracy” in English dates back to 1949, when [[R. F. C. Hull]] coined the term in his English translation of [[Martin Buber]]’s 1946 work {{lang|de|Pfade in Utopia}} (''Paths in Utopia''): {{quote|We see particularly clearly here that Kropotkin is ultimately attacking not State-order as such but only the existing order in all its forms; that his "[[anarchy]]", like Proudhon's, is in reality "anocracy" ({{lang|grc|ἀκρατία}}); not absence of government but absence of domination.{{cite book |last=Buber |first=Martin |authorlink=Martin Buber |title=Paths in Utopia |translator-first=R. F. C. |translator-last=Hull |publisher=Beacon Press |year=1958 |orig-date=1949 |page=43 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=MXGSnCcRaUwC&q=anocracy }}}} Buber's original German text used the word {{lang|de|Akratie}}, a modern neoclassical compound formed from the privative prefix {{nowrap|{{lang|de|a-}}}} ('without') and {{nowrap|{{lang|de|-kratie}}}} ('rule, power, domination'), which Buber used in the sense of "absence of domination" or "non-domination".{{cite book |last=Buber |first=Martin |authorlink=Martin Buber |title=Pfade in Utopia |publisher=Verlag Lambert Schneider |location=Heidelberg |year=1946 |page=36 |language=de |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6zRKAAAAMAAJ&q=akratie }} Hull chose to translate {{lang|de|Akratie}} as "anocracy", inventing an English equivalent. In doing so, Hull also inserted the Ancient Greek word {{lang|grc|ἀκρατία}} {{transliteration|grc|akratia}} into parentheses, even though this word does not appear in Buber’s original and in classical Greek actually means "lack of self-control" or "incontinence", not "absence of domination". ===Defective democracy=== {{Excerpt|Defective democracy|only=paragraph}} ===Competitive authoritarian regimes=== Competitive authoritarianism is a hybrid regime structure and a subtype of [[authoritarianism]]. This regime type was defined to encapsulate states that contain formal democratic institutions that rulers view as the principal means of obtaining and exercising legitimate political authority against real opposition and other semblances of democratic political society, in which officials violate election freedom and fairness in order to retain power. The officials interfere with opposition organisations, failing to respect minimum conventional standards of [[democracy]].{{Cite journal |last1=Levitsky |first1=Steven |last2=Way |first2=Lucan A. |date=April 2002 |title=Elections Without Democracy: The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2002.0026 |journal=Journal of Democracy |volume=13 |issue=2 |pages=51–65 |doi=10.1353/jod.2002.0026 |issn=1086-3214|url-access=subscription }}{{Cite book |last1=Levitsky |first1=Steven |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511781353 |title=Competitive Authoritarianism |last2=Way |first2=Lucan A. |date=2010-08-16 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |doi=10.1017/cbo9780511781353 |isbn=978-0-521-88252-1}}{{Cite journal |last1=Levitsky |first1=Steven |last2=Way |first2=Lucan |date=2020 |title=The New Competitive Authoritarianism |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2020.0004 |journal=Journal of Democracy |volume=31 |issue=1 |pages=51–65 |doi=10.1353/jod.2020.0004 |issn=1086-3214}}{{Cite journal |last=Diamond |first=Larry |date=April 2002 |title=Elections Without Democracy: Thinking About Hybrid Regimes |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2002.0025 |journal=Journal of Democracy |volume=13 |issue=2 |pages=21–35 |doi=10.1353/jod.2002.0025 |s2cid=154815836 |issn=1086-3214|url-access=subscription }} Three main instruments are used within competitive authoritarian regimes to maintain [[power (social and political)|political power]]: the self-serving use of state institutions (regarding abuses of electoral and judicial institutions such as voter intimidation and voter fraud); the overuse of state resources (to gain influence and/or power over proportional representation media and use legal resources to disturb constitutional change); and the disruption of civil liberties (such as freedom of speech/press and association). In the post-Soviet era, continuing into the 2010s, the number of competitive authoritarian regimes increased.{{Cite journal |last=Mufti |first=Mariam |date=2018-06-22 |title=What Do We Know about Hybrid Regimes after Two Decades of Scholarship? |journal=Politics and Governance |volume=6 |issue=2 |pages=112–119 |doi=10.17645/pag.v6i2.1400 |doi-access=free |issn=2183-2463}} == See also == {{portal|Politics}} * [[Benevolent dictatorship]] * [[Delegative democracy]] * [[Democracy-Dictatorship Index]] * [[Authoritarian democracy|Totalitarian democracy]] * [[Types of democracy]] ==Notes== {{Notelist}} == References == {{reflist}} ==Sources== *{{cite journal |last1=Bonet |first1=Lluis |last2=Zamorano |first2=Mariano Martín |title=Cultural policies in illiberal democracies: a conceptual framework based on the Polish and Hungarian governing experiences |journal=International Journal of Cultural Policy |date=2021 |volume=27 |issue=5 |pages=559–573 |doi=10.1080/10286632.2020.1806829|s2cid=225285163 }} *{{cite journal |last1=Christie |first1=Kenneth |title=Illiberal Democracy, Modernisation and Southeast Asia |journal=Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory |date=1998 |issue=91 |pages=102–118 |jstor=41802094 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/41802094 |issn=0040-5817}} *{{cite journal |last1=DeVotta |first1=Neil |date=2010 |title=From civil war to soft authoritarianism: Sri Lanka in comparative perspective |url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/233082946 |journal=[[Global Change, Peace & Security]] |volume=22 |issue=3 |pages=331–343 |doi=10.1080/14781158.2010.510268 |s2cid=143630796}} *{{cite encyclopedia |editor-last1=Kennedy |editor-first1=Kerry J |year=2021 |title=Civic Engagement in Changing Contexts |url=https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-981-16-7495-2 |encyclopedia=SpringerBriefs in Education |chapter=Is Democracy 'Dead'? |series=SpringerBriefs in Education |pages=57–68 |chapter-url=https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-981-16-7495-2_5 |location=Singapore |publisher=[[Springer Publishing]] |access-date=April 13, 2025 |isbn=978-981-16-7494-5|doi=10.1007/978-981-16-7495-2_5|url-access=subscription }} *{{Cite book |last=Mounk |first=Yascha |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=DrZ9zgEACAAJ&q=The+People+vs.+Democracy |title=The People Vs. Democracy - Why Our Freedom Is in Danger and How to Save It |date=2020-03-18 |publisher=[[Harvard University Press]] |isbn=978-0-674-24502-0 |language=en}} *{{cite journal |last1=Nyyssönen |first1=Heino |last2=Metsälä |first2=Jussi |date=24 September 2020 |title=Liberal Democracy and its Current Illiberal Critique: The Emperor's New Clothes? |journal=[[Europe-Asia Studies]] |volume=73 |issue=2 |pages=273–290 |doi=10.1080/09668136.2020.1815654 |quote=Thus, there is a real danger of ‘pseudo-democracy’, especially because elections can be manipulated and often are. In these cases, elections and other democratic institutions are simply adapted patterns of authoritarianism, not democracy in some imperfect form, having the dual purpose of legitimising the incumbent’s rule and guarding it from any danger of democratic change. |doi-access=free}} *{{cite journal |last=Plattner|first=Marc F.|title=Illiberal Democracy and the Struggle on the Right |date=January 2019 |journal=Journal of Democracy |volume=30 |issue=1 |pages=5–19 |doi=10.1353/jod.2019.0000 |url=https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/illiberal-democracy-and-the-struggle-on-the-right/|url-access=subscription }} *{{cite book |last1=Sajó |first1=András |title=Ruling by Cheating: Governance in Illiberal Democracy |date=2021 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-1-108-84463-5}} *{{cite book |title=Routledge Handbook of Illiberalism |date=2021 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-000-47945-4 |language=en |editor-last1=Sajó|editor-first1=András|editor-last2=Uitz|editor-first2=Renáta|editor-last3=Holmes|editor-first3=Stephen|edition=1|doi=10.4324/9780367260569}} *{{Cite book |last=Schedler |first=Andreas |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=I-QPAQAAMAAJ&q=Electoral+Authoritarianism:+The+Dynamics+of+Unfree+Competition |title=Electoral Authoritarianism: The Dynamics of Unfree Competition |date=2006 |publisher=[[Lynne Rienner Publishers]] |isbn=978-1-58826-415-2 |language=en}} *{{cite web |last=Self |first=Darin |title=Illiberal Democracies and Democratic Backsliding |website=[[Oxford Bibliographies Online]] |date=2022-09-26 |url=https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/display/document/obo-9780199756223/obo-9780199756223-0352.xml |doi=10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0352 |isbn=978-0-19-975622-3 |access-date=2023-04-26}} ==Further reading== ===Contemporary analysts=== {{Refbegin}} * {{cite journal | last1=Herre | first1=Bastian | last2=Roser | first2=Max | title=Democracy | journal=Our World in Data | date=2013-03-15 | url=https://ourworldindata.org/democracy | access-date=2022-11-18 | archive-date=2022-11-18 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221118145723/https://ourworldindata.org/democracy | url-status=live }} *{{cite journal | last=Balderacchi | first=Claudio | title=Overlooked forms of non-democracy? Insights from hybrid regimes | journal=Third World Quarterly | volume=43 | issue=6 | date=2022-04-14 | issn=0143-6597 | doi=10.1080/01436597.2022.2059460 | pages=1441–1459| s2cid=248208017 | doi-access=free }} *{{cite journal | last=Ekman | first=Joakim | title=Political Participation and Regime Stability: A Framework for Analyzing Hybrid Regimes | journal=International Political Science Review | publisher=Sage Publications, Ltd. | volume=30 | issue=1 | year=2009 | issn=0192-5121 | jstor=20445173 | pages=7–31 | doi=10.1177/0192512108097054 | s2cid=145077481 | doi-access=free }} * {{cite journal | last1=Lührmann | first1=Anna | last2=Tannenberg | first2=Marcus | last3=Lindberg | first3=Staffan I. | title=Regimes of the World (RoW): Opening New Avenues for the Comparative Study of Political Regimes | journal=Politics and Governance | volume=6 | issue=1 | date=2018-03-19 | issn=2183-2463 | pages=60–77 | doi=10.17645/pag.v6i1.1214 | url=https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1214 | access-date=2022-11-18 | archive-date=2022-11-18 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221118145723/https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1214 | url-status=live | doi-access=free }} * {{citation | last=Skaaning | first=Svend-Erik | title=Lexical Index of Electoral Democracy (LIED) dataset v6.0 | chapter=Social Sciences | year=2021 | publisher=Harvard Dataverse | doi=10.7910/DVN/WPKNIT | url=https://dataverse.harvard.edu/citation?persistentId=doi:10.7910/DVN/WPKNIT }} * {{cite book | last=Schedler | first=A. | title=The Politics of Uncertainty: Sustaining and Subverting Electoral Authoritarianism | publisher=OUP Oxford | series=Oxford Studies in Democratization | year=2013 | isbn=978-0-19-166983-5 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=nXxoAgAAQBAJ&pg=PP1 | access-date=2022-11-19 | archive-date=2023-04-04 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230404021612/https://books.google.com/books?id=nXxoAgAAQBAJ&pg=PP1 | url-status=live }} *{{cite web | title=BTI 2022 Benin Country Report | website=BTI 2022 | date=2021-02-19 | url=https://bti-project.org/en/reports/country-report/BEN | access-date=2022-11-18 | archive-date=2022-11-18 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221118154218/https://bti-project.org/en/reports/country-report/BEN | url-status=live }} * [https://fsi-live.s3.us-west-1.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/gameofelectoralfraud.pdf Beatriz Magaloni. 2010. "The Game of Electoral Fraud and the Ousting of Authoritarian Rule."] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190729150701/https://fsi-live.s3.us-west-1.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/gameofelectoralfraud.pdf |date=2019-07-29 }} American Journal of Political Science, 54 (3): 751-65. * Weyland, Kurt. 2024. "Hybrid Regimes in Historical Perspective." in ''The Oxford Handbook of Authoritarian Politics''. Oxford University Press. {{Refend}} ===Research history === {{Refbegin}} The researchers conducted a comparative analysis of political regimes around the world ([[Samuel Finer]] 1970), in [[developing countries]] ([https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.131.3414.1662 Almond and Coleman, 1960] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230404021609/https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.131.3414.1662 |date=2023-04-04 }}), among [[Latin America]] ([https://books.google.com/books?isbn=0691021945 Collier 1979]) and [[West Africa]] regimes ([https://books.google.com/books?isbn=0226989011 Zolberg, 1966]). Types of non-democratic regimes are described ([https://books.google.com/books?isbn=1555878903 Linz, 2000, originally published in 1975] and [https://books.google.com/books?isbn=0300026404 Perlmutter, 1981]). Huntington and Moore ([https://books.google.com/books?id=y3mCAAAAMAAJ Huntington and Moore, 1970]) discuss the [[one-party system]] issue Hermet ([https://books.google.com/books?isbn=1349033421 Guy Hermet, Rose, & Rouquie 1978]) explores how elections are held in such authoritarian regimes, which are nominally democratic institutions. "Hybrid regimes" ([https://books.google.com/books?isbn=1139491482 Diamond 2002]), "competitive authoritarianism" ([https://scholar.harvard.edu/levitsky/files/SL_elections.pdf Levitsky and Way 2002] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190808185959/https://scholar.harvard.edu/levitsky/files/SL_elections.pdf |date=2019-08-08 }}) and "electoral authoritarianism" ([https://books.google.com/books?isbn=1588264408 Schedler, 2006]) as well as how officials who came to power in an undemocratic way form election rules ([https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0010414002035003004 Lust-Okar and Jamal, 2002] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190730115600/https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0010414002035003004 |date=2019-07-30 }}), institutionalize [[electoral fraud]]s ([https://www.researchgate.net/publication/228913438_Electoral_Fraud_Causes_Types_and_Consequences Lehoucq 2003] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220313095140/https://www.researchgate.net/publication/228913438_Electoral_Fraud_Causes_Types_and_Consequences |date=2022-03-13 }}, [https://muse.jhu.edu/article/17201 Schedler 2002] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190826085932/https://muse.jhu.edu/article/17201 |date=2019-08-26 }}) and manipulate the economy ([https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=DZZUIgUAAAAJ L. Blaydes] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230404021609/https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=DZZUIgUAAAAJ |date=2023-04-04 }} 2006, [https://web.archive.org/web/20170809145145/http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/polisci/cpworkshop/papers/Magaloni.pdf Magaloni 2006]) in order to win the election and stay in power. {{Refend}} == External links == *[https://ecpr.eu/Events/Event/SectionDetails/833 Hybrid Concepts and the Concept of Hybridity] at [[European Consortium for Political Research]] *[https://ourworldindata.org/democracies-measurement Democracy data: how do researchers measure democracy?] at [[Our World in Data]] {{political spectrum}} {{Authoritarian types of rule}} [[Category:1995 neologisms]] [[Category:Authoritarianism]] [[Category:Democracy]] [[Category:Mixed government]]