{{Short description|Process of Chile moving away from dictatorship}}
{{More citations needed|date=May 2009}}
{{Use American English|date = March 2019}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=December 2023}}
{{Infobox Former Country
| native_name            = ''República de Chile''
| conventional_long_name = Republic of Chile
| common_name            = Chile
| established            = Return to democracy
| established_event1     = Established
| established_date1      = 11 March 1990
| p1                     = Military dictatorship of Chile
| flag_p1                = Flag of Chile.svg
| s1                     = Chile
| flag_s1                = Flag of Chile.svg
| image_flag             = Flag of Chile.svg
| image_coat             = Coat of arms of Chile (c).svg
| image_map              = CHL_orthographic_(%2Ball_claims).svg
| national_motto         = ''[[List of national mottos|Por la razón o la fuerza]]''<br />{{small|("By reason or by force")}}
| national_anthem        = ''[[Himno Nacional de Chile]]''<br />{{small|("National Anthem of Chile")}}<br>[[File:Himno Nacional de Chile.ogg]]
| common_languages       = [[Spanish language|Spanish]]
| government_type        = [[Unitary state|Unitary]] [[Presidential system|presidential]] [[Republic|constitutional republic]]
| capital                = [[Santiago]]
| leader1                = [[Patricio Aylwin]] (first)
| year_leader1           = 1990–1994
| leader2                = [[José Antonio Kast]] (current)
| year_leader2           = 2026–present
| title_leader           = [[List of Presidents of Chile|President]]
| stat_pop1              = 13,178,782
| stat_year1             = 1990
| stat_pop2              = 17,574,003
| stat_year2             = 2017
| currency               = [[Chilean peso]]
}}
{{History of Chile}}
The [[military dictatorship of Chile]] led by General [[Augusto Pinochet]] ended on 11 March 1990 and was replaced by a democratically elected government.<ref name=#1>{{cite journal |last1=Scott |first1=Sam |title=Transition to democracy in Chile {{!}} two factors |journal=ScholarWorks |date=2001 |page=12 |url=https://scholarworks.umt.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=4957&context=etd}}</ref> The transition period lasted roughly two years, between 1988 and 1990,<ref>{{cite web |title=Chile: Period of democratic transition: 1988–1989, Pro-democracy civic movement: present |url=https://freedomhouse.org/sites/default/files/inline_images/Chile.pdf |website=Freedomhouse}}</ref> a period which encompasses the rejection of Pinochet at the [[1988 Chilean presidential referendum|1988 plebiscite]], the [[1989 Chilean constitutional referendum|1989 constitutional revision]], and the [[1989 Chilean general election|1989 presidential election]] and ensuing presidential handover from Pinochet to [[Christian Democratic Party of Chile|Christian Democrat]] [[Patricio Aylwin]] in 1990. However, some aspects of the process lasted significantly longer; for this reason, there is no consensus among historians as to whether the transition is still ongoing or has been over. Notable events in these extended aspects include, from earliest to latest, the [[Indictment and arrest of Augusto Pinochet|arrest and trial of Pinochet]] in 1998-2000; the 2005 constitutional reforms, which removed the remaining authoritarian vestiges from the Chilean constitution;<ref>https://english.elpais.com/international/2023-12-18/what-kind-of-constitution-did-chileans-refuse-to-replace-for-the-second-time-in-four-years.html - ""[...]Today we finally have a democratic Constitution[...]," said Lagos in August 2005, when [...] several of the main authoritarian clauses that had kept much of the soul of the dictatorship alive were eliminated, including the designation of senators for life such as Pinochet himself, and the appointment of the armed forces as the guarantors of the nation's institutions."</ref> the election of center-right businessman [[Sebastián Piñera]], the first post-Junta president not to come from the [[Concertación]], the coalition of parties formed to oppose Pinochet's continued rule, in 2010; the replacement of the [[binomial voting system]], designed by the military regime to benefit right-wing parties sympathetic to it, with a conventional system of [[party-list proportional representation]] in 2017; and the attempted constitutional replacement process [[2020 Chilean constitutional referendum|initiated in 2020]] and ensuing rejections of a proposed left-wing constitution [[2022 Chilean constitutional referendum|in 2022]] and right-wing constitution [[2023 Chilean constitutional referendum|in 2023]].

Unlike most [[democratic transition]]s, led by either the elite or the people, Chile's democratic transition process is known as an intermediate transition<ref name=#1/> – a transition involving both the regime and the civil society.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Clark |first1=William |last2=Golder |first2=Matt |last3=Golder |first3=Sona |title=Foundations of Comparative Politics |page=Chapter 7}}</ref>  Throughout the transition, though the regime increased [[Human rights abuses in Chile under Augusto Pinochet|repressive violence]], it simultaneously supported [[liberalization]] – progressively strengthening democratic institutions<ref>{{cite web |last1=Plaistad |first1=Shandra |title=Chileans overthrow Pinochet regime, 1983–1988 |url=https://nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu/content/chileans-overthrow-pinochet-regime-1983-1988 |publisher=Global Nonviolent Action Database}}</ref> and gradually weakening those of the [[Chilean Armed Forces|military]].<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Geddes |first1=Barbra |title=What Do We Know About Democratization After Twenty Years? |journal=Annual Review of Political Science |date=1999 |volume=2 |page=7 |doi=10.1146/annurev.polisci.2.1.115 |doi-access=free }}</ref>

Three factors contributed to the rise of democracy:<ref>{{cite web |last1=HUTCHINSON |first1=OLIVIA |title=Transitioning to Democracy: The Role of the Right in Chile and Argentina |url=https://www.e-ir.info/pdf/61043 |website=E-International Relations |publisher=University College London}}</ref> the economy, the role of the military, and domestic politics. Rapid economic growth (attributed to a low inflation environment), a decline in dictatorship, and the decision of political parties to come together became the main motivation for a broad ideological coalition to be created in an effort to defeat Pinochet and his military rule.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Angell |first1=Alan |last2=Pollack |first2=Benny |title=The Chilean Elections of 1989 and the Politics of the Transition to Democracy |journal=Bulletin of Latin American Research |year=1990 |volume=9 |issue=1 |pages=1–23 |doi=10.2307/3338214 |jstor=3338214 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/3338214|url-access=subscription }}</ref> Chile was previously a democracy during the [[Presidential Republic (1925–1973)]].

Preparation for the transition began within the dictatorship itself, when a constitution establishing a transition process was approved in a plebiscite. From 11 March 1981 to March 1990, several organic constitutional laws were approved, intended to lead to the restoration of democracy. After the 1988 plebiscite, the [[Chilean Constitution of 1980|1980 Constitution]] (still in effect today) was amended to ease provisions for future amendments to the constitution, create more seats in the senate, diminish the role of the National Security Council, and equalize the number of civilian and military members (four members each).

==1988 plebiscite and reform of the Constitution==
{{main|1988 Chilean national plebiscite}}
The [[Chilean Constitution of 1980|Chilean constitution]] was passed under tight military control in 1980, and was designed to lead to a [[plebiscite]] in which the Chilean people would ratify a candidate proposed by the Chief of Staff of the [[Chilean Armed Forces]] and by the General Director of the [[Carabineros de Chile|Carabineros]], the national police force, and who would become the [[President of Chile]] for an eight-year term. In 1980, this meant that the [[Chilean people]] were supposed to approve [[Augusto Pinochet]]'s candidacy, assuring him of popular legitimacy and the sanction of a [[vote]]. If the people refused the junta's chosen candidate, the military would relinquish political control to the civilians, leading to presidential and parliamentary [[democracy|democratic elections]] the following year, putting an end to the military government.

In 1987, Pinochet's government passed a law allowing the creation of political parties and another law allowing the opening of national registers of voters. If a majority of the people voted "yes" to Pinochet's plebiscite, he would have remained in power for the next eight years. Instead, Congress was elected and installed on 11 March 1990.

{{Blockquote|''Touch only one of my men, and forget about the rule of law.''|Augusto Pinochet, 1989<ref>{{Cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=hnHSNena2vkC&q=si+me+tocan+el+estado+de+derecho+pinochet&pg=PA204 |title=Educación para la Ciudadanía: Democracia, capitalismo y estado de derecho |publisher=[[Ediciones Akal]] |access-date=2015-06-08 |isbn= 9788446035992|page=204 |language=es |year=2007}}</ref>}}

===Context and causes of Pinochet's decision to follow the Constitution===
Various factors led to Pinochet's decision to follow this procedure, including the situation in the [[Soviet Union]], where [[Mikhail Gorbachev]] had initiated the [[glasnost]] and the [[perestroika]] democratic reforms. Those reforms led to the fall of the [[Berlin Wall]] in 1989 and to the official end of the [[Cold War]], which was an important factor.

The Cold War had important consequences in South America, considered by the [[United States and South and Central America|United States to be a full part]] of the Western Bloc, in contrast with the [[Eastern Bloc]], a division born with the end of [[World War II]] and the [[Yalta Conference]]. Following the 1959 [[Cuban Revolution]] and the local implementation in several countries of [[Che Guevara]]'s [[foco theory]], the US waged a campaign in South America against the "[[Communist]] [[subversion (politics)|subversives]]." In a few years, all of South America was covered by similar military dictatorships, called ''[[military juntas|juntas]]''. In [[History of Paraguay|Paraguay]], [[Alfredo Stroessner]] had been in power since 1954; in [[History of Brazil|Brazil]], left-wing President [[João Goulart]] was overthrown by a [[History of Brazil (1964–1985)|military coup in 1964]]; in [[History of Bolivia|Bolivia]], General [[Hugo Banzer]] overthrew leftist General [[Juan José Torres]] in 1971; in [[History of Uruguay|Uruguay]], considered the "Switzerland" of South America, [[Juan María Bordaberry]] seized power in the 27 June 1973 coup. A "[[Dirty War]]" was waged all over the continent, culminating with [[Operation Condor]], an agreement between security services of the [[Southern Cone]], other South American countries, and US government bodies, which provided training to repress and assassinate domestic political opponents. In 1976, militaries seized power in [[History of Argentina|Argentina]] and supported the 1980 "Cocaine Coup" of [[Luis García Meza Tejada]] in Bolivia, before training the [[Contras]] in Nicaragua where the [[Sandinista National Liberation Front]], headed by [[Daniel Ortega]], had taken power in 1979. Similar military coups took place in [[Guatemalan Civil War|Guatemala]] and in [[History of El Salvador|El Salvador]]. In the 1980s, however, the situation progressively evolved in the world as in South America, despite a [[Cold War (1979-1985)|renewal of the Cold War]] from 1979 to 1985, [[Cold War (1985-1991)|the year]] during which Gorbachev replaced [[Konstantin Chernenko]] as leader of the USSR.
[[File:Visita de Juan Pablo a la PUC (33437732200).jpg|thumb|It is believed that the visit of Pope John Paul II in April 1987 may have influenced Pinochet's decision to call for elections. The Pope is shown here at the [[Pontifical Catholic University of Chile]] on 4 April 1987.]]
Another alleged reason for Pinochet's decision to call for elections was [[Pope John Paul II]]'s April 1987 visit to Chile: he visited [[Santiago de Chile|Santiago]], [[Viña del Mar]], [[Valparaíso]], [[Temuco]], [[Punta Arenas]], [[Puerto Montt]] and [[Antofagasta]]. Before his pilgrimage to Latin America, the pontiff criticized Pinochet's regime as "dictatorial" while speaking with reporters. According to ''[[The New York Times]]'', he was "using unusually strong language" to criticize Pinochet and told the journalists that the Church in Chile must not only pray, but actively fight for the restoration of democracy in Chile.<ref>{{Cite news |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1987/04/01/world/pope-on-latin-trip-attacks-pinochet-regime.html |title=Pope, on Latin Trip, Attacks Pinochet Regime |work=[[New York Times]] |access-date=2024-09-04 |first=Roberto |last=Suro |date=1 April 1987 }}</ref> During his 1987 Chilean visit, the Polish pope asked Chile's 31 Catholic bishops to campaign for free elections in the country.<ref>{{Cite news |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1987/04/03/pope-tells-chiles-bishops-to-press-for-free-elections/ae4d8490-92c1-4e45-a638-7b427e037bc3/ |title=Pope tells Chile's bishops to press for free elections |newspaper=[[Washington Post]] |access-date=2024-09-04 |first= Bradley |last= Graham |date=3 April 1987 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200723092818/http://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1987/04/03/pope-tells-chiles-bishops-to-press-for-free-elections/ae4d8490-92c1-4e45-a638-7b427e037bc3/ |archive-date=2020-07-23 }}</ref> According to [[George Weigel]], the Pope held a meeting with Pinochet during which they discussed the topic of the return to democracy. John Paul II allegedly pushed Pinochet to accept a democratic opening of the regime, and even called for his resignation.<ref>[[Heraldo Muñoz]], ''The Dictator's Shadow: Life under Augusto Pinochet'', p. 183, Basic Books (2008), {{ISBN|0465002501}}</ref> In 2007, Cardinal [[Stanisław Dziwisz]], acting as Pope John Paul II's secretary, confirmed that the Pope asked Pinochet to step down and transfer power over to civilian authorities during his visit.<ref>[[George Weigel]], ''Biografía de Juan Pablo II – Testigo de Esperanza'', Editorial Plaza & Janés (2003), {{ISBN|84-01-01304-6}}</ref> John Paul II also supported the [[Vicariate of Solidarity]] during his visit, which was a Church-led pro-democracy, anti-Pinochet organization. John Paul II visited the Vicariate of Solidarity's offices, spoke with its workers, and "called upon them to continue their work, emphasizing that the Gospel consistently urges respect for human rights."<ref>Timmerman, Jacobo ''Chile: Death in the South'', p. 114, Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1987 {{ISBN|978-0-517-02902-2}}</ref> Some have erroneously accused John Paul II of affirming Pinochet's regime by appearing with the Chilean ruler on his balcony. However, Cardinal [[Roberto Tucci]], organizer of John Paul II's pilgrimages, revealed that Pinochet tricked the pontiff by telling him he would take him to his living room, while in reality, he took him to his balcony. Tucci claims that the pontiff was "furious."<ref>{{Cite news |url=http://wyborcza.pl/1,75477,7396637,Dlaczego_Jan_Pawel_II_wyszedl_z_Pinochetem_na_balkon.html |title=Dlaczego Jan Paweł II wyszedł z Pinochetem na balkon? |trans-title=Why did John Paul II go out on the balcony with Pinochet? |publisher=[[Gazeta Wyborcza]] |access-date=2024-09-04 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100205020647/http://wyborcza.pl/1,75477,7396637,Dlaczego_Jan_Pawel_II_wyszedl_z_Pinochetem_na_balkon.html |date=24 December 2009 |archive-date=2010-02-05 }}</ref>

Whatever the case, political advertising was legalized on 5 September 1987, and became a key element of the "NO" campaign for the referendum, which countered the official campaign that proposed a return to a Popular Unity government in case of Pinochet's defeat. Finally, the "NO" to Pinochet won with 55.99% of the votes, against 44.01% of the votes. As a result, presidential and legislative elections were called for the following year.

In July 1989, a [[1989 Chilean constitutional referendum|constitutional referendum]] took place after long negotiations between the government and the opposition. 54 constitutional reforms were proposed, among which was reform of the way that the Constitution itself could be reformed, the restriction of [[state of emergency]] declarations, the affirmation of [[pluralism (political philosophy)|political pluralism]], and the strengthening of constitutional rights, as well as of the democratic principle and of participation in political life. All parties in the political spectrum supported the reforms, with the exception of the small right-wing Avanzada Nacional and other minor parties. The referendum passed with 91.25% of the vote.

==Aylwin administration==
[[File:Transmision_de_mando_Aylwin-Pinochet.png | thumb|right | Pinochet congratulates new President Patricio Aylwin on inauguration day, 11 March 1990.]]
The ''[[Concertación]]'' coalition, which supported the return to democracy, gathered the [[Christian Democrat Party of Chile|Christian Democrat Party]] (PDC), the [[Socialist Party (Chile)|Socialist Party]] (PS), the [[Party for Democracy (Chile)|Party for Democracy]] (PPD) and the [[Social Democrat Radical Party]] (PRSD). Christian Democrat [[Patricio Aylwin]] won a sweeping victory in the [[1989 Chilean presidential election|December 1989 elections]], the first democratic elections since the [[1970 Chilean presidential election|1970 election]] won by [[Salvador Allende]]. Patricio Aylwin had gathered 3,850,023 votes (55.17%), while the center-right supermarket tycoon [[Francisco Javier Errázuriz Talavera]] from the [[Progressive Union of the Centrist Center|UCCP]] party managed to take 15.05% of the vote, whose main effect was lowering right-wing candidate [[Hernán Büchi]]'s votes to 29.40% (approximately 2 million votes).
[[File:Aylwin Banda (2).jpg|thumb|In December 1989, Patricio Aylwin, head of the ''Concertación'' coalition, won the first democratic election in Chile since 1970.]]
The ''Concertación'' coalition dominated Chilean politics for much of the next two decades. In February 1991, it established the [[National Commission for Truth and Reconciliation]], releasing the [[Rettig Report]] on human rights violations during Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship. This report, contested by human rights NGOs and associations of political prisoners, counted only 2,279 cases of "[[forced disappearance|disappearances]]" that could be proved and recorded. Of course, the very nature of "disappearances" made such investigations very difficult, while many victims were still intimidated by the authorities and did not dare go to the local police center to register themselves on lists, since the police officers were the same as during the dictatorship.

Several years later, the same problem arose with the 2004 [[Valech Report]], which counted almost 30,000 victims of [[torture]], among testimony from 35,000 people. However, the Rettig Report did list important detention and torture centers, such as the [[Esmeralda (BE-43)|Esmeralda ship]], the [[Estadio Nacional de Chile|Víctor Jara Stadium]], [[Villa Grimaldi]], etc. Registration of victims of the dictatorship, and the following trials in the 2000s of military personnel for human rights violations, dominated the struggle by human rights NGOs and associations of political prisoners, many of whom resided in exile, for the recognition of crimes committed during the dictatorship.

Besides implementing the Rettig Commission, Aylwin's government established a ''Comisión Especial de Pueblos indígenas'' (Special Commission of Indigenous People), whose report provided the intellectual framework of the "Indigenous Law" (''ley indígena'') or law n° 19 253. The law went into effect on 28 September 1993<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.uta.cl/masma/patri_edu/PDF/LeyIndigena.PDF|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20081030080729/http://www.uta.cl/masma/patri_edu/PDF/LeyIndigena.PDF|url-status=dead|title=LEY Nº 19.253 – LEY INDÍGENA|archivedate=30 October 2008}}</ref> and recognized the [[Mapuche]] people as an inherent part of the Chilean nation. Other indigenous people officially recognized included [[Aymara people|Aymara]]s, [[Atacameña]]s, [[Kolla people|Colla]]s, [[Quechua people|Quechua]]s, [[Rapa Nui people|Rapa-Nui]], [[Yaghan people|Yámana]]s and [[Kawashkar]]s. Despite this state proclamation of indigenous rights, conflicts brought by land-occupations and Mapuche claims led to state repression and the use of anti-terrorist laws enacted by the military ''junta'' against Mapuche activists.{{citation needed|date=September 2024}}

==Frei Ruiz-Tagle administration==
{{main|1993 Chilean presidential election}}
Preparing for the [[1993 Chilean presidential election|1993 election]], the Concertación held primaries in May 1993, which pitted left-wing [[Ricardo Lagos]] ([[Party for Democracy (Chile)|PPD]]) against Christian-Democrat [[Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle]], ([[Christian Democrat Party of Chile|PDC]]), the son of former President [[Eduardo Frei Montalva]] (1911–1982, President from 1964 to 1970). Eduardo Frei won these primaries by a large majority of 63%.

The right-wing, grouped as the [[Alliance for Chile]], also held primaries between 2 candidates: [[Sebastián Piñera Echenique|Sebastián Piñera]] of the [[National Renewal (Chile)|National Renewal]] (RN) the largest right-wing party at the time and who had supported the "NO" during the 1988 plebiscite on the return to civilian rule, and [[Arturo Alessandri Besa]], a former member of the [[National Party (Chile, 1966)|National Party]] (PN), and the nephew of [[Jorge Alessandri]], former President of the Republic during the term 1958 – 1964 and Presidential Candidate of the Right-wing in the [[1970 Chilean presidential election|1970 election]]. Alessandri won those primaries, and thus represented the Alliance for Chile against the Concertación.

Other candidates included [[José Piñera]], who was the former Minister in the early 1980s who had implemented the law granting ownership of copper resources to the [[Chilean Armed Forces]], and presented himself as an independent (6%); ecologist [[Manfred Max-Neef]] (5.55%), representative of the ''Left-Wing Democratic Alternative,'' which gathered the [[Communist Party of Chile|Communist Party]] (PCC), [[MAPU]] (part of the [[Popular Unity (Chile)|Popular Unity]] coalition of Allende) and the [[Christian Left Party (Chile)|Christian Left Party]]; [[Eugenio Pizarro Poblete]] (less than 5%); and [[Cristián Reitze Campos]] of the left-wing [[Humanist Party (Chile)|Humanist Party]] (1.1%).

On 28 May 1993, the ''Boinazo'' took place, during which paratroopers surrounded the Chilean Army headquarters located close to the [[Palacio de la Moneda]].<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20220818140332/http://www.tcgnews.com/santiagotimes/index.php?nav=story&story_id=14609&topic_id=15 Chile: Illicit Croatia Arms Sale Case in Final Stage], ''[[The Santiago Times]]'', 4 September 2007 {{in lang|en}}</ref> The motive for the military uprising was the opening of [[Augusto Pinochet's arrest and trial|investigations concerning the "Pinocheques"]], or checks received by Pinochet for a total amount of $3&nbsp;million as kickbacks from an arms deal.<ref name=Boinazo>[http://www.sii.cl/SIIPRENSA/2005/2509/02.htm El verdadero objetivo del "boinazo" de Pinochet] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070911134856/http://www.sii.cl/SIIPRENSA/2005/2509/02.htm |date=11 September 2007 }}, ''Diario Siete'', 25 September 2005 {{in lang|es}}</ref> A few days before (and unnoticed at the time), Jorge Schaulsohn, President of the Chamber of Deputies, had also denounced irregularities in arms trades by the [[Chilean Army]] through the intermediary of the FAMAE (Factories and Arsenals of the Army of Chile) — which was later connected to the [[Gerardo Huber]] case, a Chilean Army Colonel and agent of DINA who was assassinated the previous year.<ref name=Boinazo/>

Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle finally won the election in the first round in December 1993 with an [[absolute majority]] of almost 58% (more than 4 million votes) against Arturo Allesandri who gathered 24.4% (around 1,700 000 votes). Eduardo Frei took office in March 1994 for a 6-year term until 2000. During his term, it was not possible to prosecute any military personnel for their roles during the dictatorship, while large sectors of the Chilean society remained ''Pinochetista''.{{citation needed|date=September 2024}}

==Arrest and trial of Pinochet==
{{further|Augusto Pinochet's arrest and trial}}
[[File:Feretro Pinochet.jpg|thumb|Pinochet's funeral.]]
Following an agreement between Pinochet and [[Andrés Zaldívar]], president of the [[Chilean Senate|Senate]], Zaldívar voted to abolish 11 September as a national holiday to celebrate the 1973 coup. Supporters of Pinochet had blocked any such attempts until then.<ref>[https://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/155040.stm Chile abolishes coup holiday], ''[[BBC News]]'', 20 August 1998</ref> The same year, Pinochet traveled to London for back surgery. Once there, he [[Augusto Pinochet's arrest and trial|was arrested]] on the orders of Spanish judge [[Baltasar Garzón]], provoking worldwide attention, not only because of the history of Chile and South America, but also because this was one of the first arrests of a dictator based on the [[universal jurisdiction]] principle. Pinochet tried to defend himself by referring to the State Immunity Act of 1978, an argument rejected by the British judicial system. However, UK Home Secretary [[Jack Straw]] released him on medical grounds, and refused to extradite him to Spain. Pinochet returned to Chile in March 2000. Upon descending the plane in his wheelchair, he quickly stood up and saluted the cheering crowd of supporters, including an army band playing his favorite military march tunes, which was awaiting him at the airport in Santiago. President [[Ricardo Lagos]], who had just been sworn in on 11 March, said the retired general's televised arrival had damaged Chile's image, while thousands demonstrated against him.<ref>[https://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/665342.stm Thousands march against Pinochet], ''[[BBC]]'', 4 March 2000</ref>

In June 2000, the Congress passed a new law that granted anonymity to members of the armed forces who provided information on the ''[[desaparecidos]]''.<ref>[https://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/807599.stm Soldier confirms Chile stadium killings], ''[[BBC]]'', 27 June 2000 {{in lang|en}}</ref> Meanwhile, the trials concerning human rights violations during the dictatorship continued. Pinochet was stripped of his [[parliamentary immunity]] in August 2000 by the [[Chilean Supreme Court|Supreme Court]] and was indicted by Judge [[Juan Guzmán Tapia]]. In 1999, Tapia had ordered the arrest of five military men, including General Pedro Espinoza Bravo of the [[Dirección de Inteligencia Nacional|DINA]], for their role in the [[Caravan of Death]] following the 11 September coup. Arguing that the bodies of the "[[forced disappearances|disappeared]]" were still missing, he made [[jurisprudence]] which lifted any [[statute of limitation|prescription]] on the crimes committed by the military.  Pinochet's trial continued until his death on 10 December 2006, with alternating indictments for specific cases, lifting of immunities by the Supreme Court or to the contrary immunity from prosecution, with his health as the main argument for, or against, his prosecution. In March 2005, the Supreme Court affirmed Pinochet's immunity concerning the 1974 assassination of General [[Carlos Prats]] in Buenos Aires, which had taken place as part of [[Operation Condor]]. However, he was deemed fit to stand trial for [[Operation Colombo]], during which 119 political opponents "disappeared" in Argentina. The Chilean justice also lifted his immunity on the [[Villa Grimaldi]] case, a detention and torture center on the outskirts of Santiago.

Pinochet, who still benefited from a reputation of righteousness from his supporters, lost legitimacy when he was put under house arrest on tax fraud and passport forgery following the publication of a report concerning the [[Riggs Bank]] in July 2004 by the US Senate [[Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations]]. The report was a consequence of investigations on financial fundings of the [[11 September 2001 attacks]] in the US. The bank controlled between US$4&nbsp;million and $8&nbsp;million of Pinochet's assets, as he lived in Santiago in a modest house, hiding his wealth. According to the report, Riggs Bank participated in [[money laundering]] for Pinochet, setting up offshore [[Shell company|shell corporations]] (referring to Pinochet as only "a former public official") and hiding his accounts from regulatory agencies. Related to Pinochet and his family's secret bank accounts in the United States and the Caribbean, this tax fraud filing for an amount of $27&nbsp;million shocked the conservative sectors who still supported him. Ninety percent of these funds were raised between 1990 and 1998, when Pinochet was chief of the Chilean armed forces, and essentially would have come from [[weapons traffic]]king when purchasing Belgian "[[Dassault Mirage|Mirage]]" air-fighters in 1994, Dutch "[[Leopard 2|Léopard]]" tanks, Swiss "[[Mowag]]" tanks, or by illegal sales of weapons to [[Croatia]] in the middle of the [[Yugoslav Wars|Yugoslav wars]]. His wife [[Lucía Hiriart]] and his son Marco Antonio Pinochet were also sued for complicity. For the fourth time in seven years, Pinochet was indicted by the Chilean justice.<ref>[http://www.cnn.com/2006/US/01/28/chile.pinochet/?section=cnn_topstories U.S. sends back Pinochet daughter], ''[[CNN]]'', 28 January 2006</ref>

The Chilean authorities took control in August 2005 of the [[Colonia Dignidad]] concentration camp, directed by [[ex-Nazi]] [[Paul Schäfer]].{{citation needed|date=August 2022}}

==2005 reform of the 1980 Constitution==
Over 50 reforms to Pinochet's Constitution were approved in 2005, which eliminated some of the remaining undemocratic areas of the text, such as the existence of non-elected Senators (institutional senators, or [[senators for life]]) and the inability of the President to remove the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces. These reforms led the President to declare Chile's transition to democracy as complete.

==2020-23 Constitutional replacement process==
{{See also|2019–2021 Chilean protests|2020 Chilean constitutional referendum|COVID-19 pandemic in Chile}}

[[2019–2021 Chilean protests|Massive civilian protests]] started on 18 October 2019, when the Chilean people demanded a [[2020 Chilean constitutional referendum|new constitution]], the ability to end the transition period, and start a real democracy.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/nov/15/chile-referendum-new-constitution-protests|title='The constitution of the dictatorship has died': Chile agrees deal on reform vote|date=15 November 2019|website=the Guardian}}</ref> The protests have hopes of reducing and eliminating social and [[economic inequality]], improving health, education and other public systems, and ending the current pension system (AFP), among other important issues.{{Citation needed|date=June 2020}} The appointed 26 April 2020 referendum has been delayed to 25 October due to the [[COVID-19 pandemic in Chile|COVID-19 pandemic]], and the [[2021 Chilean Constitutional Convention election|ensuing elections for a Constituent Assembly to write the new constitution]] have been themselves delayed from 25 October 2020 to 11 April 2021. The elections were moved back to 15–16 May 2021 and completed successfully.{{citation needed|date=August 2022}}

In [[2022 Chilean constitutional referendum|September 2022]], a [[2022 proposed Political Constitution of the Republic of Chile|proposed left-wing replacement constitution]] was rejected, 62% to 38%.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Schmidt |first=Samantha |date=5 September 2022 |title=Chilean voters decisively reject leftist constitution |language=en-US |newspaper=Washington Post |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2022/09/04/chile-votes-constitution-referendum/ |access-date=2022-09-05 |issn=0190-8286 |archive-date=5 September 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220905053305/https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2022/09/04/chile-votes-constitution-referendum/ |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.latercera.com/politica/noticia/plebiscito-chile-rechaza-propuesta-de-nueva-constitucion/2LDNK3XR6RGN5FJRJ5IDLT74JM |title=Plebiscito: Chile rechaza propuesta de nueva Constitución con histórica participación de más de 12 millones de personas |work=La Tercera |date=4 September 2022 |access-date=4 September 2022 |archive-date=4 September 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220904232625/https://www.latercera.com/politica/noticia/plebiscito-chile-rechaza-propuesta-de-nueva-constitucion/2LDNK3XR6RGN5FJRJ5IDLT74JM/ |url-status=live }}</ref> Following a [[2023 Chilean Constitutional Council election|second process]], in [[2023 Chilean constitutional referendum|December 2023]], a proposed right-wing replacement was also rejected, 55.8% to 44.2%.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2023-12-17 |title=Chilean voters reject conservative constitution, after defeating leftist charter last year |url=https://apnews.com/article/chile-new-constitution-referendum-f7be231ff564856f6a5e1b0c0ac12c57 |access-date=2023-12-18 |website=AP News |language=en |archive-date=2023-12-18 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231218053713/https://apnews.com/article/chile-new-constitution-referendum-f7be231ff564856f6a5e1b0c0ac12c57 |url-status=live }}</ref> These outcomes effectively granted the 1980 charter democratic legitimacy.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2023-12-17 |title=Chileans reject conservative constitution to replace dictatorship-era text |url=https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/chileans-head-polls-again-replace-dictatorship-era-constitution-2023-12-17/ |access-date=2023-12-18 |website=Reuters}}</ref>

==See also==
*[[2006 student protests in Chile]]
*[[Hate speech laws by country#Chile|Hate speech laws in Chile]]
*[[Transition to democracy]]
*''[[No (2012 film)|No]]'', a film about the 1988 referendum
*[[Spanish transition to democracy]]
*[[Democracy in Venezuela]]

==References==
{{reflist}}

==External links==
*[https://web.archive.org/web/20130723192537/http://repository.library.georgetown.edu/handle/10822/552509 Democratic Transition in Chile] from the [https://web.archive.org/web/20120312181034/http://repository.library.georgetown.edu/handle/10822/552494/browse?type=title Dean Peter Krogh Foreign Affairs Digital Archives]
{{Chile topics}}
{{Latin America topic|Democracy in}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Chilean Transition To Democracy}}
[[Category:1990s in Chile]]
[[Category:Political history of Chile]]
[[Category:Democratization]]
[[Category:Political movements in Chile]]
[[Category:Augusto Pinochet]]
[[Category:Military dictatorship of Chile (1973–1990)]]
[[Category:Revolutions of 1989]]